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Conclusion From 1789 to 1848, national and local governments, propertied elites and aspirant wealthy middle classes sought to deal with the rise of popular movements for reform and workers’ rights by restricting their opportunities to meet and to speak in public space and in the governing body politic. Protesters contested and claimed the symbolic and physical uses, and memory of, particular sites of meeting. There was not, and could not be, however, a complete clamp down on uses of public space. Loyalists were not repressive in all areas. Government legislation

in Protest and the politics of space and place, 1789–1848

with ‘a sense of order’, explains Yuval-Davis. She adds that, since the production of identities is always ‘in process’, order should here be understood as a sense of continuity and agency that enables change or contestation within the identity boundaries of the individual and/or collective subject.7 The concept of intersectionality can thus be deployed to rebut essentialist notions of identity and belonging. It provides a conceptual language for considering the ways in which everybody is simultaneously positioned in different social categories that intersect with

in Migration into art

‘white’ because they strive towards establishing not just an economic but also a cultural (capital) equality with whites. Thus, we see their anti-racist contestation of the distribution of cultural resources across the racial hierarchy. This anti-racist contestation is also seen in such individuals’ support of middle-class culture with a focus on Blackness, which I will now turn to in discussing the ethnoracial autonomous identity mode. Ethnoracial autonomous Individuals towards the ethnoracial autonomous identity mode adopt cultural repertoires of browning and Afro

in Black middle class Britannia

identity and sovereignty, nation and state, inflicted on the region, a conundrum better addressed by constructivism . 3 Its insistence that systemic structures are not just material configurations of power and wealth and include the cultural norms that derive from identity , helps to understand how the region’s powerful supra-state identities lead to a unique contestation of the state sovereignty which underlays the stability of other regional states systems. Secondly, this study will argue that the state and sub-state levels are at least as

in The international politics of the Middle East
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national level. These multiple discourses created ambiguity and possibilities for contestation and dissent. In particular, the contention that objectors were an inherently ambivalent presence in the public realm (contesting practices of masculinity and citizenship, yet also claiming to embody the true constructions of them), created tension in the performances of objection. It is the nature of these performances, the identities that were included or excluded, the desire to be heard and yet to contest apartheid society in the 1980s, that made objection to military service

in Masculinities, militarisation and the End Conscription Campaign
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over time, a history of frequent uncertainty, ambiguity, and disagreement. Not only has legal status moved from subject to citizen, but the conditions to be met for each status have been matters of contest and amendment. Women were not fully citizens in the basic sense of all having the right to vote until 1928, while simple legal equality between males and females in other aspects of public identity continued slowly to be approached throughout the twentieth century. Citizenship even in law was not necessarily blind to either parenthood or gender, and until the

in Cultivating political and public identity
The spa in Celtic Tiger Ireland

the post-Celtic Tiger recession, where conspicuous consumption was now less celebrated or tolerated, the healing and wellness aspects of spas had come to assume a renewed importance. Summary: conflicting health and consumer identities Using a critical therapeutic landscapes approach can enable us to see spas as sites where complex and contested social relations are enacted in place. In looking at the rise and uncertain future of the modern Irish spa, one could consider it a revealing representation of the excesses that characterised the 167 Culture and place

in Spacing Ireland

significant form of power (Penrose, 2002). The modern conception of political space in ‘territorially defined, territorially fixed and mutually exclusive state formations’ is intrinsically connected to the role of nationalism (Ruggie, 1993: 144). For nationalism is about ‘the construction and contestation of concepts of identity in the social conditions specific to modernity’. It is therefore, Periwal (1995: 229) concludes, ‘essentially political’, encompassing the rise of modern democracy and the related notion of an active identification of citizens with the institutions

in Irish nationalism and European integration
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Beyond globalization

led to the growth of national consciousness. As Bose and Jalal assert, ‘anticolonialism can be seen now to have been a much more variegated phenomenon than simply the articulate dissent of educated urban groups imbued with western concepts of liberalism and nationalism’ (Bose and Jalal, 1998: 107). Nevertheless, underlying the nationalist movement was an Indian identity that had taken shape faced with colonial rule and exploitation. It formed the basis of a national identity. The British Indian state introduced territorial borders that coincided with the boundaries

in India in a globalized world

secure identities, there is a need to restrict flows of ideas, identities and information that are deemed undermining and detrimental. One of the focuses of the Prevent policy, since its inception, has been a concern regarding the internet as a tool of propaganda. This is recognised as early as the 2006 CONTEST strategy as a factor within radicalisation, where its ‘ability to connect people, to pass ideas between them, and then pass those ideas on to others has had a significant impact on the accessibility and flow of radical

in Counter-radicalisation policy and the securing of British identity