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policies. The implications of the Treaty of Sèvres for the Turkish ‘state question’ were profound. With respect to the main principles of modern statehood, there would have been no sovereign Turkish state at the beginning of the twentieth century if the Turks had accepted the treaty’s conditions. In terms of territoriality, the Turks stood to inherit a small piece of land in the middle of Anatolia if the Allied powers implemented the conditions of the treaty. In addition, according to the Three Party Agreements (Accord Tripartite), which were also signed on 10 August

in Turkey facing east
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administration beyond controls over immigration and residence into coping with such issues as sanitation. Moreover, this task widened to include responsibilities for housing, public utilities, policing, education, social welfare and economic infrastructures. These were matters with which municipal and national governments elsewhere were having to deal, including of course in Britain. There are issues here concerning rising public expectations common to urbanising and modernising societies. However, in the case of a British colony, there arose as elsewhere in the British Empire

in Community and identity
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Does Europeanisation require a geopolitical choice?

’s Soviet legacy, which includes an alleged ‘backward[ness] in terms of national and civic identity’ and wide distribution of the Russian language among Belarusians (Potocki 2002: 145–146). Following this logic, some analysts conclude that Belarus is a bi-national Belarusian-Russian state (Kuzio, 1998), while others argue that ‘after more than twenty years of statehood, Belarusians have not developed a distinctive national identity’ (Ioffe, 2012a). The second element is the nation’s domestic political system, firmly linked with the personality of the President Aliaksandr

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order

, postmodernism and many a feminist approach have unveiled the hegemony of mainstream social sciences and offered different readings of current events, recent history and their theoretical implications. 2 This book makes an attempt to provide new and stimulating perspectives on how ‘Kosovo’ has shaped European post-post-Cold War reality (and a possible new European order-of-sorts). It will, of course, be impossible to press all these critical voices within the

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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diplomatic resolution. Conversely, Palestinians viewed negotiations as a path towards self-determination, though not the only one. Desirable as a peaceful transition to statehood might be, the use of force remained an acceptable, if unstated, alternative. After all, it had proven extremely successful in forcing Israelis to the negotiating table in the first place. Despite having officially relinquished the use

in Political cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

membership (Ungureanu, 2002: 68–79). However, an Eastern orientation of Moldovan foreign policy was not abandoned. Moldova developed its relations with the EU as part of its policy of achieving broad recognition of its newly established independence and strengthening its statehood. Furthermore, it wanted, to some extent, to balance Russia’s dominance in the region. Certainly, its Latinity favoured the idea of cooperation with the West. An important stimulus to Moldova’s orientation to the EU came from the former Soviet satellites of Central and Eastern Europe, which had

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood

5 Spaces of the expelled Value and values ‘Is anything beyond the logic of capital?’, Beverly Skeggs asks in her 2013 British Journal of Sociology Annual Public Lecture (2014). Has the economic value come to dominate all social relations as well as perceptions of self, or is human life always about values, in plural, even at this moment in time when the rule of the capital, enforced and propped up by the austerity state, appears unchecked? This question that Skeggs poses resonates with the inquiry I began in the previous chapter, where Viktorija’s story shows

in Politics of waiting

formation of a new discursive order. We should therefore ask ourselves what the Kosovo campaign was really about, and, more generally, what such a reconfiguration of war would imply for the emerging NEO? What are the discursive consequences of these new interpretative schemes, and how do they contribute to the shaping of new identities, subjectivities and social order? These questions are posed since we need

in Mapping European security after Kosovo

people’. That FDR himself was, by social class and wealth, one of these very elites makes his success at populist politics all the more remarkable. 4 Fundamentally, however, Roosevelt was a pragmatist who rarely got too far out in front of public opinion. 5 At a time when public opinion polling was coming into its own, he liked to tailor his message to prevailing attitudes, with the ultimate aim of

in Rhetorics of empire

democratic process seemed a positive indicator for the spread and deepening of democracy. However, these increases came with two caveats. First, the numbers incorporated not only the spread of the Third Wave, but other developments in the achievement of sovereign statehood in a number of states in the aftermath of the fall of the Berlin Wall. These include not only the re-unification of East and West Germany as well as North and South Yemen, that is, the amalgamation of two non-free states into partly free and free states, but also the increase of numbers through the break

in The United Nations democracy agenda