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Andrew Thorpe

James Stuart, 25 May 1944, Butler to Henry Brooke, 8 September 1944. 72 BUL, Neville Chamberlain papers, NC 4/4/1, ‘Report of speech by Mr Neville Chamberlain at meeting of National Union executive committee’, 27 June 1940. 73 LRO, Derby papers, 920DER(17)/16/4, Manchester Supplement to the ‘Onlooker’, June 1941. 74 Bod. L., CPA, CCO 4/2/162, memorandum, ‘Political survey’, enclosed with Topping to James Stuart, 24 November 1941; CPA ARE 10/1/3, Wessex Area executive committee, 26 November 1941. 75 Ibid., CPA, ARE 10/1/3, Wessex Area annual meeting, 27 May

in The art of the possible
The policing of nineteenth-century Bengal and Bihar
Peter Robb

might. In particular, crimes were defined as offences against a common weal. Police forces were created as public, professional bodies, to be substituted for private force; they were pictured as servants rather than masters. Thus policing was clearly distinguished from other executive tasks of government, including law-making and the administration of justice. The police developed institutionally, and

in Policing the empire
Nonconformist religion in nineteenth-century pacifism
Heloise Brown

‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ 3 ‘Conspicuous’ philanthropists:1 nonconformist religion in nineteenth-century pacifism T he role of nonconformist religion in the early feminist movement has been widely acknowledged. From the Unitarian Caroline Ashurst Biggs, to the Quaker Priestman and Bright family networks, feminist politics developed in significant part within the context of nonconformity. It was much the same for the peace movement. Two issues were key to religious perspectives on peace in the nineteenth century: one was Quaker theology and the

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Reconsidering Talleyrand and Condorcet on public instruction
Adrian O’Connor

promised a new and national system of education, it required one, and that the work of securing the Revolution’s gains would continue until the benefits of such a system had taken root among the people. As we saw in Chapter 3, the constitutional committee had identified the establishment of a national system of public instruction as one of its priorities as early as July 1789, when Jérôme-Marie Champion de Cicé included it in a list of legislative imperatives alongside settling the structure of the legislative branch, reforming the national system of political

in In pursuit of politics
The establishment of the UAB and mass action
Stephanie Ward

, 1937).2 During January 1935, Britain came alive with protest and social unrest on a scale never witnessed before. Individual demonstrations could draw tens of thousands of participants. In many areas, the unemployed were joined on marches by major political parties, trade unions and even middle-class shopkeepers, teachers and business men and women. The hunger marches may have earned a later legendary status in popular memories of the 1930s, but it was these protests which saw the unemployed assume the greatest prominence in the political arena. This was not a

in Unemployment and the state in Britain
Matt Perry

wife’. Radio, she believed, was enlivening politics for women and bringing about a remarkable change in their political receptivity.189 NEC years 1927–29: birth control, family allowances and the flapper election In 1927, Wilkinson was elected onto the Labour Party NEC as one of the four women’s members.190 She remained on the NEC until she was voted off at the Brighton Conference of 1929. While serving on the executive, she tended to follow its decisions on the basis of institutional discipline, although on occasion she revealed that she had personally argued

in ‘Red Ellen’ Wilkinson
Cormac Behan

the Executive Council and former prisoner, W. T. Cosgrave, spoke of the crack-down on political resistance among his former comrades (now political enemies) in the prisons. He complained about the practice of those on the anti-Treaty side of using prisoners as candidates for political gain. Is the future political history of this country to be written in this manner: that a man or woman has only to get into jail and has only to stand for election and get elected, and our courts and our institutions, and the order of citizenship that we have established, are to be

in Citizen convicts
Paul Rouse

the divided politics and contested identities of Ireland in the 1880s. This was a decade defined by the struggle for land and freedom. Debates on Irish affairs dominated the House of Commons in London. The establishment of a home rule parliament in Dublin, led by Charles Stewart Parnell, emerged as a genuine possibility. Extremists were also at work, targeting the very heart of British rule in Ireland when the most important British officials in Ireland were murdered while out walking in the Phoenix Park in the summer of 1882. Wrapped up with such political upheaval

in Irish journalism before independence
Simon Peplow

recording ‘no [black] political organisation or activity in the Notting Hill area until September, 1958 [after which] many mushroom organisations sprang up’.99 This included the West Indian Standing Conference (WISC), established to develop leadership and communication between the existing organisations and community in London. All white members of the WISC’s Executive Committee left following the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act, reflecting its leaders’ wish to transform into an independent organisation ‘free of white participation’. Ramdin concluded that the problem

in Race and riots in Thatcher’s Britain
Rachel Hammersley

particular, by combining Rousseauian and seventeenth-century English republican ideas they reconnected republicanism with anti-monarchism; they cut the commonwealth emphasis on mixed and balanced government – favouring instead the clear separation of legislative and executive power; and they applied what had originally been rather elitist and aristocratic ideas in the service of democracy. Moreover, in the politics of the Revolution (and especially in the relations between the Cordeliers, the Brissotins and the Jacobins) we see the playing out of the conflict between the

in The English republican tradition and eighteenth-century France