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Identity politics and reticent Europeanisation

Europeanisation 127 afford the elites of either the opportunity to draw a concluding line to this relationship. Instead, the politics of pragmatism and the need for mutual cooperation have resurfaced in recent times, not least due to the spill-over effects of the Syrian civil war and the huge migration and refugee crisis (European Commission, 2015d). The latter has placed a premium on EU– Turkey relations and both sides, however unwillingly, are conscious of their mutual dependence in such turbulent times. In line with one of the key themes of this book, this chapter

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
International, European and national frameworks

ideological superiority of the West), to domestic concerns with migration control, to local racism and xenophobia, heightened by competition for scarce resources. Asylum and refugee policy is currently high on the political agenda in France and the UK, as it is at the EU level.1 This chapter has two aims. The first is to set out the international, European and national framework for refugee status determination, reception and settlement.What is striking is the rapid increase in measures introduced since the 1990s in Britain and France, many of which are intended to restrict

in Refugee women in Britain and France

reports.The Immigration Rights Project report on the successes and failures of Labour’s migration policy, for example, makes only one reference to women, stating that they have a low take-up of screening and health programmes (Somerville 2006). Limited research means that little is known about the lives of refugee women in the UK. As recently as 2002, Hildegaard Dumper, a freelance researcher responsible for a large proportion of the research on refugee women conducted for UK government and non-government agencies, wrote,‘One of the surprises of this research was the

in Refugee women in Britain and France
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refugees, procedural difficulties involved in claiming asylum and refusal by the state, in both countries, to recognise certain types of gendered persecution or acknowledge the reality of danger and conflict in particular countries as a means of deterring unfounded and fraudulent claims. Moreover, recent moves towards ‘managed’ or ‘selective’ migration (immigration choisie) by the British and French governments place women asylum seekers in an even more disadvantaged position as managed migration favours skilled labour migrants while excluding family migrants and asylum

in Refugee women in Britain and France

Allwood 04 24/2/10 4 10:29 Page 96 Refugee women in France In France, as in other EU states, the spotlight on asylum issues and the country’s diverse refugee communities has increased over the past 15 years. This focus on refugee migration and asylum rights is due to several factors; for example, the expansion in numbers of those seeking asylum in France and the fact that many of them arrive from zones of conflict and disaster (Kosovo, Chechnya, Rwanda, DRC, Iraq and others) where traumatic events and acts of extreme violence impact severely on their basic

in Refugee women in Britain and France

opportunist always looking towards the future. Common experiences of civil religion, migration and belief in the Promised Land, which are further articulated through mass engagement with popular culture, compose its identity. It is important to analyse US state identity because how a state represents itself is key to producing images of state Self and Other that act to reinforce or reimagine frameworks of identity. Projections of US identity inform the foreign policy direction of the state. Before we can understand the role that recognition plays in the process

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics

establishment of refugee women’s associations in Britain and France Asylum-seeking and refugee women’s participation in discrete refugee women’s associations or in migrant women’s associations does not have a long history in either Britain or France. The majority of refugee women’s associations were established from the late 1990s and early 2000s, following increased refugee migration into the EU (mainly from East and Central Europe, the Middle East, Africa and South Asia) and more specifically, the rising numbers of women asylum seekers. However, a very small number of

in Refugee women in Britain and France

civic skills; lack of access to networks; more limited interest; and institutional obstacles. A feeling of being able to influence public affairs, a sense of civic duty and political interest, are all found to play an important role in explaining activism (Lovenduski et al. 2004: 35). The migration literature also tends to highlight the alienation of immigrants from mainstream politics, although again this is partly attributable to the emphasis placed on electoral politics in many studies of participation. In order to counter this, Miller (1989: 129)1 developed a

in Refugee women in Britain and France

- Shift from monoculture to polyculture - Adaptation of crop diversification to (lack of) tenure security - Shift from agriculture to petty trade - Shifts in food consumption patterns - Harvest and consumption of immature crops - Cash for work - Joining of farmers’ associations - Cultivation on shared plots - Migration to urban centres or mining sites - Joining of local militias - Theft of crops Source: Adapted and edited from Vlassenroot (2006: 3. Clarifications on land tenure changes from pp. 6–7) organisations for the protection of peasant interests, but with a

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Christopher Ansell and Jacob Torfing

in the EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy. They found that Brussels-based diplomats in the Political and Security Committee play a prominent gatekeeping role in these networks. Wunderlich ( 2012 ) uses SNA to map the communication linkages in European external migration policy. Other networks operate more like advocacy coalitions. Elgström ( 2016 ) finds that EU foreign policy is strongly influenced by policy networks of member-states who tend to share particular perspectives—they are “like-minded.” These networks tend to be open and

in Foreign policy as public policy?