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Revisiting the epistemology of anarchist movements

imperfectly. For example, political opportunity theory, while centrally concerned with state-based opportunities, is still moderately relevant to anti-state movements, although anarchists use these opportunities in different ways and for different purposes in their mobilization efforts. Countries with greater opportunities and rights have more anarchist organizations. More specifically, anarchists’ fortunes tended to swing opposite of the Marxist-Leninist left’s fortunes, anarchists are helped by the presence of outside allies as diverse as labor unions and punk rock scenes

in Black flags and social movements
Homes Not Jails, urban squatting, and gentrification

-class in the United States tend to follow. In a conversation with my friend Joel Olson, at a conference hotel bar, we jokingly discussed the cycle of modern urban gentrification. It starts with squats, infoshops, and punks, who will live anywhere they can get BOLT CUTTERS AND THE POLITICS OF EXPROPRIATION 101 away with. To many anarchists the authenticity of living and having an infoshop in a historically non-white and working class neighborhood also makes it a more radical act. Before long, the numbers of white punks make the area seem edgy, cool, and unique

in Cooking up a revolution
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London’s sonic space

relation between music, race and space and the history of the post-colonial city. There is plenty of academic discussion of popular music cultures of the 1970s through to the 1990s, punk and post-punk (Savage 1991; ­Reynolds 2006; Cabut and Gallix 2017), Brit pop (Gilbert 1997; Stratton 2010) and hip hop (Turner 2017), but very little on the London club cultures of rare groove or jungle, and what there is about acid house is in my view partial (as I argue in chapter 3). One of the reasons Paul Gilroy’s work (1987, 1993, 2000, 2003, 2010) is so important to this

in It’s a London thing
Musicking in social space

and white together in the context of a highly segregated society; and where whites acquired a taste for jazz, they often also developed an admiration and respect for black artists. This was no magic bullet, but it contributed to a reduction of racial divides. Similarly, music has, on occasion, provided an important bridge across sectarian divides in Northern Ireland. The most famous example of this is punk. At a time when ‘the Troubles’ were at their height, with tit for tat murders and bombing campaigns, ‘Punk music culture … created a non-sectarian common ground

in Connecting sounds

their movement’s political agenda or culture.32 These observations echo those made by narrator #16 a decade ago that feminism was ‘unfinished business’ (see chapter 7). This narrator noted in particular the contradiction between the rising number of young women active in the radical nationalist youth movement (then Jarrai), and the persisting lack of impact of feminism on the movement as a whole. Recent anthropological and linguistic studies of youth and Basque culture help to shed some light on this issue. Sharryn Kasmir’s study of the Basque punk movement in the 1980

in Women and ETA
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Support the Miners group, punk, youth culture and the far left, the British peace movement and communism, the far left and the 2010 election, the decline of the Communist Party, and the politics of Red Action (among others). Much of this scholarship is by a generation of emerging academics, bringing new historical insights and techniques to the study of the far left traditionally dominated by labour history scholars and those from political science. As this volume shows, the study of the history of the far left in Britain brings together scholars from a variety of

in Waiting for the revolution
Anarchism as a unique example

Workers of the World, just as the punk movement regularly introduces music fans to anarchist themes, projects, and scenes – the Red and Anarchist Skin Heads and Anarchist Youth Federation have been two organized examples of this anarcho-punk relationship, although punk’s influence has been even broader (see Cogan 2007; O’Connor 2003b). A variety of small spaces give anarchists places to live, work, and interact, including many intentional communities, housing cooperatives, unofficial squats, infoshops (similar to, but also different from, European social centers), and

in Black flags and social movements
A micro-structural analysis

(38 percent), liberalism (35 percent), and the Green Party (32 percent). Other crucial identifiers can be noted from the Big Anarchist Survey, such as the 38 percent who stated that they were also part of a separate subculture. Of the anarchist respondents who were also members of a subculture, 45 percent identified as punks and 10 percent as hippies. Twelve percent of all survey respondents stated that they were active participants in punk subculture – and surely, many other respondents were former punks (or punks not active in punk subculture). Hippie

in Black flags and social movements
Brixton acid and rave

will make you move and groove’– Sweat drips from the ceiling. It’s madness, collective fucking madness. Can you feel it? By late 1987 rare groove, which had been the dominant London music scene for at least the last three years, was waning, and a new kind of music was bubbling up on the fringes of club culture, with very different cultural associations and modes of behaviour. This was acid house, a dance scene soundtracked by a new kind of electronic dance music from America, mixed, with that London talent for recombination, with mod peacockyness and punk negation

in It’s a London thing
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. Positif accused him of adopting the role of spokesperson for the young, even of having taken them hostage and of practicising a racism of exclusion when he declared in an interview that the spectators who went to see his film did not need an explanation as to how or why Nikita became a punk-junkie – they knew already – but that those who might need one were their parents. 36 Besson also answers these criticisms by saying that

in Luc Besson