establishment of refugee women’s associations in Britain
Asylum-seeking and refugee women’s participation in discrete refugee
women’s associations or in migrant women’s associations does not have a
long history in either Britain or France. The majority of refugee women’s
associations were established from the late 1990s and early 2000s, following
increased refugee migration into the EU (mainly from East and Central
Europe, the Middle East, Africa and South Asia) and more specifically, the
rising numbers of women asylum seekers. However, a very small number of
civic skills; lack of access to networks; more limited interest; and institutional obstacles. A feeling of being able to influence public affairs, a sense of
civic duty and political interest, are all found to play an important role in
explaining activism (Lovenduski et al. 2004: 35).
The migration literature also tends to highlight the alienation of immigrants from mainstream politics, although again this is partly attributable to
the emphasis placed on electoral politics in many studies of participation.
In order to counter this, Miller (1989: 129)1 developed a
- Shift from monoculture
- Adaptation of crop
diversification to (lack
of) tenure security
- Shift from agriculture to
- Shifts in food
- Harvest and
- Cash for work
- Joining of farmers’
- Cultivation on shared
- Migration to urban
centres or mining sites
- Joining of local militias
- Theft of crops
Source: Adapted and edited from Vlassenroot (2006: 3. Clarifications on land tenure
changes from pp. 6–7)
organisations for the protection of peasant interests, but with a
in the EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy. They found that Brussels-based diplomats in the Political and Security Committee play a prominent gatekeeping role in these networks. Wunderlich ( 2012 ) uses SNA to map the communication linkages in European external migration policy.
Other networks operate more like advocacy coalitions. Elgström ( 2016 ) finds that EU foreign policy is strongly influenced by policy networks of member-states who tend to share particular perspectives—they are “like-minded.” These networks tend to be open and
Klaus Brummer, Sebastian Harnisch, Kai Oppermann and Diana Panke
change, migration, public health, or internet governance, that cut across policy domains and are still predominantly but not exclusively addressed by state foreign policy. Moreover, a growing number of traditional foreign policy concerns (and the quality thereof) have unintended consequences in adjacent policy areas (interdependence effects), requiring cross-realm solutions. For example, in the realm of internet governance the emergence of high-powered transnational search engine providers, such as Google, have raised a host of privacy concerns, most notably in Europe
American Political Science Review 93(2), 327–344.
Feely, T. Jens (2002) The Multiple Goals of Science and Technology Policy, in Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones (eds.) Policy Dynamics , Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 125–154.
Green-Pedersen, Christoffer and Sebastiaan Princen (2016) Punctuated Equilibrium Theory, in Nikolaos Zahariadis (ed.) Handbook of Public Policy Agenda Setting , Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 69–86.
Guiraudon, Virginie (2000) European Integration and Migration Policy: Vertical Policy-Making as Venue Shopping, Journal of
Alons, Gerry C. (2007) Predicting a State’s Foreign Policy: State Preferences between Domestic and International Constraints, Foreign Policy Analysis 3(3), 211–232.
Alscher, Stefan, Johannes Obergfell and Stefanie Ricarda Roos (2015) Migrationsprofil Westbalkan: Ursachen, Herausforderungen und Lösungsansätze , Working Paper 63, Nürnberg: Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge.
Basinger, Scott J. and Hallerberg, Mark (2004) Remodeling the Competition for Capital: How Domestic Politics Erases the Race to the Bottom
and police co-operation
progress in areas transferred to the First Pillar, such as drugs policy and migration matters).128 Across the board, progress in police and customs co-operation,
prevention of organised crime and wider judicial co-operation in criminal matters was considered as ‘insufficient’, with over a quarter of the previously agreed
initiatives delayed. Breaking the headline figures down further, there was an even
split for both asylum, migration and border matters and the wider creation of a
European asylum system, with half the initiatives achieved
traditions of relatively centralized state structures’ (Herbst
2000: 11). These have been the result of migration flows and the influence of
the centralising exercises of political rule in the Kongo, Luba-Lunda and the
Kunda kingdoms (Muiu and Martin 2009: 104). Wa Muiu and Martin argue
that the Kongo kingdom had developed a highly centralised structure around a
single currency, a centralised army and the king (Muiu and Martin 2009:
104–5). However, this power was articulated on a mutual assurance of authority between the king and local elites. Protection and tribute
(Autesserre 2010; Lemarchand
2003; Reyntjens 2009). Séverine Autesserre (2010) is a primary representative
arguing that violence in the Kivus is the consequence of issues of migration,
claims of citizenship and belonging and land disputes since the 1930s. The
problem with the peacebuilding strategies is that they have been aimed only at
national and regional levels, ignoring the local dimensions.
Autesserre rightly warns against the depoliticisation of villagers, chiefs and
local administrators and seeing them as simple followers manipulated by national
or regional elites