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Gill Allwood and Khursheed Wadia

establishment of refugee women’s associations in Britain and France Asylum-seeking and refugee women’s participation in discrete refugee women’s associations or in migrant women’s associations does not have a long history in either Britain or France. The majority of refugee women’s associations were established from the late 1990s and early 2000s, following increased refugee migration into the EU (mainly from East and Central Europe, the Middle East, Africa and South Asia) and more specifically, the rising numbers of women asylum seekers. However, a very small number of

in Refugee women in Britain and France
Gill Allwood and Khursheed Wadia

civic skills; lack of access to networks; more limited interest; and institutional obstacles. A feeling of being able to influence public affairs, a sense of civic duty and political interest, are all found to play an important role in explaining activism (Lovenduski et al. 2004: 35). The migration literature also tends to highlight the alienation of immigrants from mainstream politics, although again this is partly attributable to the emphasis placed on electoral politics in many studies of participation. In order to counter this, Miller (1989: 129)1 developed a

in Refugee women in Britain and France
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

- Shift from monoculture to polyculture - Adaptation of crop diversification to (lack of) tenure security - Shift from agriculture to petty trade - Shifts in food consumption patterns - Harvest and consumption of immature crops - Cash for work - Joining of farmers’ associations - Cultivation on shared plots - Migration to urban centres or mining sites - Joining of local militias - Theft of crops Source: Adapted and edited from Vlassenroot (2006: 3. Clarifications on land tenure changes from pp. 6–7) organisations for the protection of peasant interests, but with a

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Christopher Ansell and Jacob Torfing

in the EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy. They found that Brussels-based diplomats in the Political and Security Committee play a prominent gatekeeping role in these networks. Wunderlich ( 2012 ) uses SNA to map the communication linkages in European external migration policy. Other networks operate more like advocacy coalitions. Elgström ( 2016 ) finds that EU foreign policy is strongly influenced by policy networks of member-states who tend to share particular perspectives—they are “like-minded.” These networks tend to be open and

in Foreign policy as public policy?
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Foreign policy as public policy
Klaus Brummer, Sebastian Harnisch, Kai Oppermann and Diana Panke

change, migration, public health, or internet governance, that cut across policy domains and are still predominantly but not exclusively addressed by state foreign policy. Moreover, a growing number of traditional foreign policy concerns (and the quality thereof) have unintended consequences in adjacent policy areas (interdependence effects), requiring cross-realm solutions. For example, in the realm of internet governance the emergence of high-powered transnational search engine providers, such as Google, have raised a host of privacy concerns, most notably in Europe

in Foreign policy as public policy?
Jeroen Joly and Friederike Richter

American Political Science Review 93(2), 327–344. Feely, T. Jens (2002) The Multiple Goals of Science and Technology Policy, in Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones (eds.) Policy Dynamics , Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 125–154. Green-Pedersen, Christoffer and Sebastiaan Princen (2016) Punctuated Equilibrium Theory, in Nikolaos Zahariadis (ed.) Handbook of Public Policy Agenda Setting , Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 69–86. Guiraudon, Virginie (2000) European Integration and Migration Policy: Vertical Policy-Making as Venue Shopping, Journal of

in Foreign policy as public policy?
Kai Oppermann and Klaus Brummer

Alons, Gerry C. (2007) Predicting a State’s Foreign Policy: State Preferences between Domestic and International Constraints, Foreign Policy Analysis 3(3), 211–232. Alscher, Stefan, Johannes Obergfell and Stefanie Ricarda Roos (2015) Migrationsprofil Westbalkan: Ursachen, Herausforderungen und Lösungsansätze , Working Paper 63, Nürnberg: Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge. Basinger, Scott J. and Hallerberg, Mark (2004) Remodeling the Competition for Capital: How Domestic Politics Erases the Race to the Bottom

in Foreign policy as public policy?
Legislation, agencies and the implementation gap
David Brown

and police co-operation progress in areas transferred to the First Pillar, such as drugs policy and migration matters).128 Across the board, progress in police and customs co-operation, prevention of organised crime and wider judicial co-operation in criminal matters was considered as ‘insufficient’, with over a quarter of the previously agreed initiatives delayed. Breaking the headline figures down further, there was an even split for both asylum, migration and border matters and the wider creation of a European asylum system, with half the initiatives achieved

in The European Union, counter terrorism and police co-operation, 1992–2007
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

traditions of relatively centralized state structures’ (Herbst 2000: 11). These have been the result of migration flows and the influence of the centralising exercises of political rule in the Kongo, Luba-Lunda and the Kunda kingdoms (Muiu and Martin 2009: 104). Wa Muiu and Martin argue that the Kongo kingdom had developed a highly centralised structure around a single currency, a centralised army and the king (Muiu and Martin 2009: 104–5). However, this power was articulated on a mutual assurance of authority between the king and local elites. Protection and tribute

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

(Autesserre 2010; Lemarchand 2003; Reyntjens 2009). Séverine Autesserre (2010) is a primary representative arguing that violence in the Kivus is the consequence of issues of migration, claims of citizenship and belonging and land disputes since the 1930s. The problem with the peacebuilding strategies is that they have been aimed only at national and regional levels, ignoring the local dimensions. Autesserre rightly warns against the depoliticisation of villagers, chiefs and local administrators and seeing them as simple followers manipulated by national or regional elites

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making