Insurgents’ use of terrorism at the initial stages of conflict
Susanne Martin and Leonard Weinberg
-scale armed fighting, or insurgency in the sense often associated
with the term. We begin by identifying and offering a discussion of the terrorist campaigns that represented a “dead end.”
Terrorism as a “dead end”
Terrorism is not always an indicator of wider-scale warfare to come. We
explore two categories of cases in which terrorism does not lead to insurgency. The first category includes those cases in which terrorists are just
T E R R O R I S M A S A L E A D I N G I N D I C A T O R
terrorists. They are not seeking the type of political change or the level
subtler morphing of the structures of regional and global politics and economics to create more space for their country to pursue its interests. Often this ocurred in symphony with the foreign policy agendas of established major international actors, although there were inevitable divergences. Part of the reason why this theme has been overlooked is the nature of scholarship and coverage of Brazil. A common theme to the more popularized English-language books published on contemporary Brazil is an attempt to provide insight into how this enormously complex country
-based and dictatorially mass-mobilizing kind. From the ruins of Tsarist Russia emerged a communist empire; from the wreck of Germany emerged a new Reich based on racist doctrines of National Socialism. Both empires rose to Great-Power status. Both were anti-liberal powers who perceived international relations in terms of struggle. Their ambitions and rivalries deeply affected the international scene. 1
The stock-market crash in October 1929 was a turning point. It triggered a steep economic downturn which initiated a decade of economic crisis, political
was replaced by the young, charismatic John F. Kennedy. His presidency symbolized the advent of a new generation with new political ideals. The USA was deeply shaken when Kennedy was assassinated in Texas in October 1963 and replaced by the Texan Senator Lyndon B. Johnson (1963–69). In the USSR, the Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev was toppled in a palace coup in 1964 and replaced by Leonid Brezhnev.
One of the most significant issues that marked international relations during these years was that of decolonization. Nations in Asia and Africa demanded self
a largely symbolic victory for Bolivia’s political leadership (Mesa, 2011 ). The longer-term pay-off for Brazil was keeping Bolivia onboard its South American initiatives and retaining close access to decision makers in La Paz. In the Ecuadorian case of threats to not repay BNDES loans, the benefits of this measured approach was particularly apparent as the Correa government moved during the Dilma administration to autonomously advance some of the economic coordination and integrationist initiatives necessary for a reshaping of elements of the hemispheric
Patterns and practices of everyday resistance:
a view from below
What is everyday resistance?
he informalities, ambiguities and contradictions that peacebuilding runs
into reflect the political nature of the process. These become visible when
examined from the everyday practices of the actors involved. In IR the
everyday has become synonymous with the makings of actual subjects in their
most quotidian roles (Autesserre 2014; Hobson and Seabrooke 2007; Mitchell
2011b; Neumann 2002). This is not so much a new field of study, as it represents a common call
Obama, Trump and the Asia Pacific political economy
international order informed by US values and interests. 3
The Trump administration is the first in the post-war era to question explicitly the desirability of America’s hegemonic aspiration and the durability of its hegemonic role. Its “America First” rhetoric and objectives signal a preference to depart from order maintenance in favour of the more transactional politics of the balance of power. Its National Security Strategy (NSS) of 2017 explicitly casts China and Russia as competitors, rather than as potential partners in the US hegemonic project.
eventually the asylum seekers were transferred to the tiny Pacific
Island nation of Nauru. This was the first of several government actions
to dramatize the problem of what they called illegal immigrants, and to
successfully neutralize what had become a running political sore for it.
Two weeks later the terrible events of September 11 made security
concerns far more urgent than they had been at least since the end of
A number of factors lock in an idea about how to best use
policy instruments, while other elements can lead to change,
where one idea about how to consider military force and negotiations is replaced by a different belief. The first section of the
chapter emphasizes three factors that reinforce a commitment
to military force as the dominant means: the realist structure
of global politics; the multi-actor, non-unitary nature of global
politics; and the impact that fear has in reinforcing the idea that
force and sometimes violence are the best approach for
Keeping this in mind, it is significant here that the key participants in this research project are youth, since, although it has only just begun to be well recognised, ‘Young people are key stakeholders in peace and security efforts’.
The early part of the twenty-first century has seen an increased focus on youth in global political discourse, including that of key international aid and development programmes, such as those hosted by the UN and the World Bank, among others.