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Introduction This study contends that when the Irish security and intelligence agencies were ordered to re-evaluate national security policy after 9/11 they did so in an atmosphere of heightened financial and political pressures on their organisations. Serious policy weaknesses occurred. Furthermore, several problems of policy persist. In Chapter 3 , the findings of

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy
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political elements of the post-war situation. 1 The issue of what to do about post-Saddam governance should have been of preeminent importance to both Bush and Rumsfeld. It bore directly upon their respective core goals for Iraq. Yet both men gave only intermittent attention to the planning process, and managed the implementation phase so lightly that the independent ideas of their chosen agent in Iraq

in Leaders in conflict

policy from June 2004 until mid-2006 from the standpoint of security and of politics, analyzing Bush and Rumsfeld’s conceptions of what was necessary and the conflict between these two visions. Bush and Rumsfeld’s worldviews led them to very different conclusions as to what was required, but their personal styles meant that they did not have a direct debate about these differences. The puzzling US

in Leaders in conflict
Lessons from the health sector

change in attitudes towards cross-border cooperation among political elites, most notably within unionism. With the exception of the topic discussed in chapter 9 , there is now a remarkable acceptance of the potential advantages of greater North-South collaboration at government level, and the post-Agreement period has seen a flourishing of proposals, frameworks and practical

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict

successfully implemented and consolidated over the long term, a number of further challenges will need to be over -come in relation to political leadership, resourcing, expertise and responsibility. The legacy of the 1990s At the organisational level, the Croatian security sector was definitively shaped by their involvement in the Homeland War and the country

in Security sector reform in transforming societies
EU policy entrepreneurship?

be disregarded (‘emergency measures’). The way in which the EU institutions would aim to achieve this would be through a discursive construction of threats, thereby lifting the issues ‘outside the normal realms of politics’ (Buzan, 1991; Buzan et al., 1998; Waever, 1993, 1995). On the face of it, this seems plausible for right-wing politicians at the national level, but rather unlikely for EU

in European internal security
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third way ideology. The origins of the Swedish third way must be set both in a longer historical perspective and in a broader spectre of the carriers of discourse and political change. Specifically, I have pointed to continuities from the new left of the 1960s to the new right of the 1980s and to the way that in the Swedish context these developments took place within social democracy. As has been shown in

in Between growth and security

to Washington, DC. This led to the confusion that the secretary usually considered to be the result of faulty underlying assumptions. CPA was also profoundly under-resourced. Bush should have recognized and rectified this as CPA was the instrument for shaping post-war Iraqi politics, but his delegatory style was apparent once more. The mission of the CPA changed several times over the course of its

in Leaders in conflict
Transdniestria as a case study

based mainly outside the EU, located in Russia, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, China, Nigeria and Brazil. Some terrorist groups use organised crime to finance their political activities – the Madrid bombers sold fake CDs and DVDs, for example. However, the core activities of organised criminals remain drugs (importing heroin from Afghanistan, cocaine from Colombia and ecstasy from Europe); counterfeit

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement

has described his role as ‘considerable’. 9 The importance of these letters was that they provided a clear political statement in favour of US leadership and, therefore, in favour of an Atlanticist ESDP. While the desire to enforce UNSC Resolution 1441 was well supported, the timing and means were not supported in Rumsfeld’s ‘Old Europe’ of France and Germany. In March 2003, then

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement