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John Privilege

the Vatican with a telegram stating only: ‘Insurrection happily terminated. Insurgents have surrendered unconditionally. Hope peace soon re-established.’1 That left the bishops free to grapple with events in Ireland on their own. paralysed.2 It was impossible, for example, to organise a relief effort for those left destitute by the shelling in Dublin for fear of ‘incurring an imputation of favouring, in any way, the authors of the unfortunate attempt’. In the end 114 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland nothing was done. The bishops confined themselves

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
John Privilege

Wicklow, Redmond told Irish Nationalists that they should take care that Irish valour proved itself on the fields of battle – ‘not only in Ireland itself, but wherever the firing line extends, in defence of right, of freedom and religion in this war’.5 Throughout Ireland, nationalist fervour mingled with anger at the tactics employed by the Germans. Patriotism and moral outrage combined 98 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland to produce not only justification for the war but a moral obligation to enlist.6 In 1914, for example, Tom Kettle, former MP for East

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
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John Privilege

, sent a representative and urged the Irish bishops to do the same.8 Logue informed Michael Kelly, Rector of the Irish College, that the jubilee was not so much a personal homage to the Queen as it was a celebration of the prosperity which England had enjoyed during the past sixty years. ‘As you well know’, he said, ‘Ireland has had no share in this progress 194 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland and prosperity’. To send a representative from the clergy, he went on, would be viewed as a declaration that the Irish remained content under English rule.9

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
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John Privilege

insurrection were guilty of the gravest sin and would not be absolved in confession nor admitted to holy communion. It was a stunning counter-blow which was aimed at 168 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland removing any sense of moral sanction from republicans and their campaign. The bishops had effectively politicised the sacraments by placing the faculties of the Church at the sole disposal of disinterested parties and those loyal to the Provisional Government. Moreover, the hierarchy declared that any priests who aided the ‘irregulars’ were ‘false to their

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
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John Privilege

mumbled by the smug Protestantism of English Liberals; but bid your followers to arise and maintain the discipline of the Catholic Church’.5 When Parnell was named in the O’Shea divorce case, however, there was a marked reluctance on the part of the bishops to side against him. Although the divorce case began at the end of 1889, Parnell was not named until 1890. Tim Healy, MP for North Louth, recalled in his memoirs his wonder at the spirit of incredulity maintained by the bishops about something that was almost common knowledge.6 Indeed, L. P. Curtis has suggested that

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
John Privilege

declared the arms raid a regular act of war and refused to bring in a verdict of murder. Following the result, infuriated troops broke barracks and attacked 138 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland property belonging to the jurors.9 Fermoy set the pattern of attack and reprisal that would characterise the coming conflict. However, it was one thing to accuse the Government of tyranny and partiality but quite another to endorse a campaign of assassination against the police. Thus, when the bishops met on 22 October 1919, they responded to the escalating

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
Editor: Tom Inglis

The Irish mind has enabled the Irish to balance and accommodate imagination and intellect, emotion and reason, poetry and science. The notion of cultural difference is not just an Irish story, but a story of nations and ethnic groups all over the world. The story of modernity revolves around people coming to see and understand themselves as belonging to nations. Although there were other European nations that made Catholicism a keystone of national difference, there were many factors that made the Irish project different. The idea of creating a society that had a collective vision and commitment without being socialist became an ideal of the Catholic Church during the latter half of the twentieth century. The Church did, nevertheless, have a profound influence on Irish society and culture. The extent to which the Catholic Church shaped and influenced Irish politics has been the subject of much research and debate. The power of the Catholic Church in politics stemmed from the power it developed in the modernisation of Irish society and, in particular, the controlling of sexuality, marriage and fertility. During the first half of the twentieth century, the Irish developed a particular aversion to marriage. For many nations and ethnic groups, what binds people together is that they speak the same language. It may well be that for generations many Irish people identified the Irish language, music and sport as an inhibitor in embracing a less insular and more urbane, cosmopolitan disposition.

Resistance, adaptation and identity
Author: Mervyn Busteed

Given its significance in the history of Britain as the pioneer city of the industrial revolution, it is surprising that until the 1990s there was little academic research on the Manchester Irish. This book examines the development of the Irish community in Manchester, one of the most dynamic cities of nineteenth-century Britain. It examines the process by which the Irish came to be blamed for all the ills of the Industrial Revolution and the ways in which they attempted to cope with a sometimes actively hostile environment. The book first traces the gradual development of links between Manchester and Ireland, largely through the build-up of commercial connections, but also noting the two-way movement of people across the Irish Sea. Then, it focuses on Angel Meadow, discussing the rapid build-up of the resident Irish population and the spatial distribution of the Irish in the network of streets. An account on the significance of the Catholic Church for the migrant Irish follows. The book also examines the evolution St Patrick's Day. Next, it discusses how Manchester's Irish related to the broader political concerns of the city during the period from the 1790s to the 1850s whilst retaining a keen interest in Irish affairs. The role of the Irish in the electoral politics of the city from the 1870s onwards is subsequently examined. After an analyses on the evolution of the commemoration rituals for the Manchester Martyrs, the book attempts to trace the hidden history of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) in Manchester.

Rethinking ireland, 1954–75
Author: Tomás Finn

This book is concerned with political, intellectual and cultural developments in the context of assessments as to how Ireland was transformed during the 1950s and the 1960s. It analyses how Tuairim (meaning ‘opinion’ in Irish), an intellectual movement influenced key public policy decisions in relation to Northern Ireland, education, industrial schools and censorship.

An analysis of Tuairim shows that the 1950s and 1960s were a transformative phase in modern Irish history. In these years, a conservative society dominated by the Catholic Church, and a state which was inward-looking and distrustful of novelty, gradually opened up to fresh ideas. This study considers this change. It explores how Tuairim was at the vanguard of the challenge to orthodoxy and conservatism. The society established branches throughout Ireland, including Belfast, and in London. It produced frequent critical publications and boasted a number of members who later became prominent in Irish public life; this included the future Taoiseach, Dr Garret FitzGerald, Donal Barrington, later a Supreme Court Judge and Miriam Hederman O’Brien, a future Chancellor in the University of Limerick. Tuairim provided a unique space for civic engagement for its members and made a significant contribution to debates on contemporary Ireland and its future.

This book is concerned with the society’s role in the modernisation of Ireland. In so doing it also addresses topics of continued relevance for the Ireland of today, including the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the institutional care of children.

Author: Cara Delay

Irish Women and the Creation of Modern Catholicism is the only book-length study of lay Catholic women in modern Irish history. Focusing on the pivotal century from 1850 to 1950, it analyses the roles that middle-class, working-class, and rural poor lay women played in the evolution of Irish Catholicism and thus the creation of modern Irish identities. This project demonstrates that in an age of Church growth and renewal stretching from the aftermath of the Great Famine through the early years of the Irish Republic, lay women were essential to all aspects of Catholic devotional life, including both home-based religion and public Catholic rituals. It also reveals that women, by rejecting, negotiating, and reworking Church dictates, complicated Church and clerical authority. Irish Women and the Creation of Modern Catholicism re-evaluates the relationship between the institutional Church, the clergy, and women, positioning lay Catholic women as central actors in the making of modern Ireland. It also contests views that the increasing power of the Catholic Church caused a uniform decline in Irish women’s status after the Great Famine of the 1840s, revealing that middle-class, working-class, and rural poor lay women fought with their priests, dominated household religion, and led parish rituals, thus proving integral to the development of a modern Irish Catholic ethos and culture.