men or women, with Paula Mueller-Otfried referring to it as a ‘two-
edged sword’ and ‘a Greek gift’, though she repudiated a petition
for its abolition in February 1919.6 This chapter seeks to explore
women’s participation in Weimar politics, as voters, elected representatives, members of political parties and targets of their propaganda, and as political activists outside the parliamentary arena. It
will investigate the impact of female suffrage on Germanpolitics
and political culture and will determine which parties, if any, benefited from female
prominently mounted in the set, as well as popular music. In The Duel, alongside
Castorf ’s preferred rock songs (including Neil Young and Jimi Hendrix), we heard
some Austrian chansons and Eastern European classical music.
Both Ostermeier and Castorf are committed to the legacy of Germanpolitical theatre in the Brechtian tradition. Ostermeier studied in the directing class of
Manfred Karge, and Heiner Müller’s work was formative for Castorf. Both consider
a distinct theatral realism as a vital force to safeguard at least some political efficacy
of theatre art against the
the imposition of the Treaty of Versailles. All the left groups were aware of the
threat of a rightist coup under these conditions, and feared that conservative and
traditionalist forces, not least in the reactionary stronghold of Bavaria, were
conspiring with newly emerging groups influenced in part by Mussolini and
As Nazism followed its winding course from the margins of Germanpolitical life, in Britain it was the far left which subjected it to the closest scrutiny.
Though British Marxism became increasingly associated with the CPGB in the
This collection brings together work on forms of popular television produced within the authoritarian regimes of Europe after World War II. Ten chapters based on new and original research examine approaches to programming and individual programmes in Spain, Greece, Czechoslovakia, Romania, the Soviet Union and the GDR at a time when they were governed as dictatorships or one-party states. Rather than foregrounding the political economy of television or its role as an overt tool of state propaganda, the focus is on popular television-everyday programming that ordinary people watched. An editorial introduction examines the question of what can be considered ‘popular’ when audience appeal is often secondary to the need for state control. With familiar measures of popularity often absent, contributors adopt various approaches in applying the term to the programming they examine and in considering the reasons for its popularity. Drawing on surviving archives, scripts and production records, contemporary publications, YouTube clips, and interviews with producers and performers, its chapters recover examples of television programming history unknown beyond national borders and often preserved largely in the memories of the audiences who lived with them. Popular Television in Authoritarian Europe represents a significant intervention in transnational television studies, making these histories available to scholars for the first time, encouraging comparative enquiry and extending the reach – intellectually and geographically – of European television history.
This chapter maps the dynamics that characterized the pan-Germanism project's efforts at garnering support and simulating nationalistic assimilative desires among German minorities abroad. Absolute establishment of Germanic culture in the fatherland being the aim, the project also envisaged force purging or metamorphosis of non-German identities into the German culture. While some German-national elements displayed great skepticism vis-à-vis the extremes of the nascent National Socialism, all nationalists agreed that a genuine national movement, including National Socialism, would be instrumental in heralding German political unity. The intersections between state propaganda and policy on the one hand, and nationalist activism in the coordinated public sphere of the state on the other, show how Austrofascists and German nationalists each sought to define the particular and universal expressions of Austrian pan-German identity – Austria as a German state and Austria within the German nation – in the years before Anschluss.
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union.
This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second
edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new
preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises,
populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron. Placing an
emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political
prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the
unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the
subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the
latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and
the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part
addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism'
is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the
project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity
in the years since 9/11. Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages
with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international
relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise
and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and
professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader
readership concerned with the future of Europe
The most commonly cited characteristic of American federalism is ‘dual federalism’. This refers to constitutionally delegated powers for the federal government and reserve powers for the states, with each level administering its own policies. In case of conflict, federal law is supreme so long as the federal government is authorised to act by the constitution. In Germany, federalism is also sometimes described by German scholars as ‘dual federalism’, but sometimes this means the same as above (Trennsystem) and at other times something quite different. That is, it often means ‘dualism’ in the sense that the federal level is responsible for passing most legislation, and the Länder for implementing this legislation on their own responsibility, usually with only legal supervision by the federation. This chapter discusses several types of German federalism, including functional federalism, cooperative federalism, participatory federalism, executive federalism, administrative federalism, unitary federalism and competitive federalism. It also examines the characteristics of German federalism and their implications for German politics, finally addressing some of the challenges confronting the German model of federalism.
How the East German political system presented itself in television series
Sascha Trültzsch and Reinhold Viehoff
Undercover: How the East Germanpolitical system presented itself in
Sascha Trültzsch and Reinhold Viehoff
Entertainment: The significance of fictional programmes
in GDR television
The former East Germany – the German Democratic Republic, or
GDR – was an authoritarian state governed by the Socialist Unity
Party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands; SED). The party
and a network of affiliated institutions controlled all media and other
forms of public communication. The avowed aim was to propagate
the SED’s ideology and guidelines
twenty-one well-known theory books, representative of diverse traditions in the field and analyses the references to countries made in them. Germany’s central role in IR is, in Lebow’s judgement, attributable to several reinforcing factors. Germany was Europe’s dominant power from 1870 to 1945 and for much of that period sought to advance its interests through the exercise of military and economic power. Germanpolitical and historical thought greatly influenced the realist tradition, and many first-generation realist IR scholars emigrated from continental Europe to