). The dates in
question are between September11 and approximately October 3 2001.
On the afternoon of September11 the Taoiseach, Bertie
Ahern, and the Tánaiste, Mary Harney, convened a meeting of the
‘heads of the security services of key government
departments’. Shortly afterwards they reconvened the dormant
National Security Committee to review existing policy and bring forward
conducted there, such as the establishment of a financial base,
drafting an effective budget and creating effective authorities. 30
The terrorist attacks against the
US on September11 had a significant impact on Russia’s relations
with both the EU and the wider international community. The Kremlin has
constantly justified its second military
evident in Kosovo, which will be used to illustrate the problems
in resolving these issues.
Under the two administrations of George W. Bush, and in
the aftermath of September11, US policy priorities have shifted from
the Balkans towards the Middle East and the ‘War on
Terror’. Thus, the EU, already a large contributor to the region,
has now assumed the primary position in funding and managing
terrorism for African countries. While certainly true that parts
of the continent were still terrorized by anti-government rebel groups,
warlords, and private militias, the issue was highly localized or seen as
a relic of the liberation struggles and the Cold War. It appeared to have
little relevance to the developing new world order. All this began to
change, however, following events of September11, 2001, and the issue
of terrorism in Africa would steadily come to the fore as one of the continent’s most pressing security challenges of the new century.
Scope and nature
New life had been blown into the organisation, at least for a time.
Secondly, ‘September11’ caused Russia to move much closer to NATO
and the US – culminating in 2002 with its relatively collected acceptance
of the US abrogation of the 1972 ABM Treaty; the conclusion the same
year of the Treaty of Moscow with the US reducing strategic nuclear
missiles; and the creation of a NATO–Russia Council, also in 2002, by
which Russia moved much closer to NATO. Russia in return expected
help from the US and NATO in countering terrorist attacks and Muslim
This chapter analyses the physicality of the referent and the documentary expression in the media. It explores some aspects of the proto-pictorial quality of documentary expression in writing and compares it with that in painting, to which notions of documentary can be applied only with some awkwardness. The chapter also examines how the photographic image works within its distinctive alignments of the pictorial and the physical. It evaluates three written documents, including George Orwell's The Road to Wigan Pier, Sebastian Junger's The Perfect Storm and the The Guardian newspaper's reporting of the September 11 terrorist attacks the following day.
This chapter examines the legislative output of the European Union in terms of the Third Pillar and in relation to key legislative and agency developments in counter-terrorism and police co-operation. It considers the developing implementation gap which could undermine the European Union's claims to credibly ‘add value’ and evaluates the contribution of agencies such as Europol and Eurojust in counter-terrorism efforts. This chapter suggests that in comparison to the remainder of the Third Pillar's matters of common interest, counter-terrorism seems very much the poor relation both in terms of the quantity and quality of instruments used and the initial pre-September 11 plans for future development.
This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing, examining the constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together the questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generates for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture; the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy; and the role of the EU in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the ‘new order’ in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11th context.
This book is about the language of the European Union’s response to the threat of terrorism: the ‘fight against terrorism’. Since its re-emergence in the wake of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the ‘fight against terrorism’ has come to represent a priority area of action for the European Union (EU). Drawing on interpretive approaches to International Relations, the author outlines a discourse theory of identity and counter-terrorism policy in order to explore the ways in which the EU’s counter-terrorism discourse has been constructed and the ways in which it functions. Importantly, the author shows how the ‘fight against terrorism’ structures the EU response to terrorism through the prism of identity, drawing our attention to the various ‘others’ that have come to form the target of EU counter-terrorism policy. Through an extensive analysis of the wider societal impact of the EU’s ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse, the author reveals the various ways in which EU counter-terrorism policy is contributing to the ‘securitisation’ of social and political life within Europe.
Throughout its brief history, photography has had a close relationship to social movements. From the Commune of Paris in 1871, the first political uprising to be captured by camera, to the 1990s anti-globalisation movement, the photographic medium has played a crucial role in political struggles. The book reflects critically on the theory of photography and the social movements themselves. It draws on a range of humanities disciplines, including photography theory and history, social movement theory, political theory, cultural history, visual culture, media studies and the history and theory of art. The book takes as a starting point 1968 - a year that witnessed an explosion of social movements worldwide and has been interpreted as a turning point for political practice and theory. The finishing point is 2001 - a signpost for international politics due to September 11 and a significant year for the movement because of the large-scale anti-capitalist protests in Genoa. Within these chronological limits, the book focuses on a selection of distinctive instances in which the photographic medium intersects with the political struggle. The three case studies are not the only pertinent examples, by any means, but they are important ones, not only historically and politically, but also iconographically. They are the student and worker uprising in France in May 1968 and two moments of the contemporary anti-capitalist movement, the indigenous Zapatista movement in Mexico and the anti-capitalist protests in Genoa in 2001.