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Henry Miller

reception offers new insights into politics, media and culture in the pre-democratic heyday of the Victorian political system. A critical study of this visual and material culture not only helps to explain the emergence of what has been called ‘the golden age of the private MP’, with its mass veneration of politicians and statesmen, but can also account for cultural shifts in the public perception of politics and the emergence of new political identities in an age of electoral expansion.1 Such a study is necessary and long overdue. Since the 1990s, historians of popular

in Politics personified
Henry Miller

.J. Feuchtwanger, Disraeli, Democracy and the Tory Party: Conservative Leadership and Organisation after the Second Reform Bill (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968), pp. x–xiii, 84, 102, 219–20. 4 J. Lawrence, Speaking for the People: Party, Language and Popular Politics in England, 1867–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 5 Ibid., pp. 163–93. 6 M. Roberts, Political Movements in Urban England, 1832–1914 (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2009), p. 164. 7 A. Hawkins, ‘“Parliamentary Government” and Victorian Political Parties, c. 1830–c. 1880’, English Historical Review, 104 (1989

in Politics personified
Lissette Lopez Szwydky

less known outside of specialised circles. The most influential study to date is Steven Forry’s ground-breaking book, Hideous Progenies: Dramatizations of Frankenstein from Mary Shelley to the Present (1990), which includes a comprehensive list of plays appearing between 1823 and 1986 and production details and commentary for many of those plays. Audrey A. Fisch’s Frankenstein: Icon of Modern Culture (2009) builds on Forry’s formative work, providing extensive summary and analysis of the nineteenth-century plays, as well as Victorian political cartoons (also

in Adapting Frankenstein
Leonie Holthaus

, 2006 ), p. 397 . 6 C. Sylvest , British Liberal Internationalism, 1880–1930: Making Progress? ( Manchester : Manchester University Press , 2009 ), p. 46 . 7 Sylvest, British Liberal Internationalism , pp. 200–6. 8 D. Bell and C. Sylvest , ‘ International society in Victorian political thought: T.H. Green, Herbert Spencer, and Henry Sidgwick ’, Modern Intellectual History , 3 : 2 ( 2006 ), pp. 207 – 38 , at p. 230 . 9 C. Hobson , The Rise of Democracy: Revolution, War, and Transformations in International Politics since 1776 ( Edinburgh

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
David Thackeray

Victorian politics has been transformed by a variety of studies of local politics, many of them influenced by the ‘New Political History’ (NPH). Scholars have analysed how individual politicians developed support bases through appeals founded on gender, class and imperial patriotism.24 In much of this literature the support base of the Conservative Party in the localities appears to have owed little to the rhetoric and policies of the national party leadership. During the 1870s and 1880s populist Tory politicians created a social culture which united working- and middle

in Conservatism for the democratic age
The primary aesthetics of Chartism
Mike Sanders

dominant model for early Victorian politics. From moral force Chartism and Owenism on the ‘left’, through the Whig-Liberal ‘centre’ to the Conservative ‘right’, politics was increasingly understood as a rational contest, a battle of ideas. Arguably, only the ultra-radicals and the ultra-Tories remained outside this ideological consensus. Thus ‘meaning’ plays a central role in political struggle. The centrality of meaning also allows us to grasp another dimension of the generative role played by theatre in the political sphere. As numerous theorists have argued, narrative

in Politics, performance and popular culture
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Melodrama and Tory socialism
Deborah Mutch

–1860. Ed. Roderick Floud, Jane Humphreys and Paul Johnson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 53–88. Stedman Jones, G. (1983). Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History, 1832–1982. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. St John, I. (2010). Disraeli and the Art of Victorian Politics. London: Anthem. Thompson, L. (1951). Robert Blatchford, Portrait of an Englishman. London: Gollancz. von Rosenberg, I. (1987) ‘French Naturalism and the English Socialist Novel: Margaret Harkness and William Edwards Tirebuck’. The Rise of Socialist Fiction, 1880

in Margaret Harkness
Lindsay J. Proudfoot and Dianne P. Hall

-lived O’Shanassy government in the spring of 1857 had been intent on establishing a Catholic Irish hegemony in Victorian politics, the squatting interest and its adherents in the pro-Haines press (notably The Melbourne Argus) had, The Banner claimed, tried to distract the electorate from the real issue of land ownership. 72 The paper continued

in Imperial spaces
Abstract only
Christine Kinealy

’Neill Daunt, Esquire, Personal Recollections of the Late Daniel O’Connell MP (London: Chapman and Hall, 1848, 2 vols). 79 See, for example, the articles by Maurice R. O’Connell (a descendant of O’Connell) in O’Connell, Young Ireland, and Violence (Bronx: Fordham University Press, 1972); Raymond Moley, Nationalism without Violence: an Essay (New York: Fordham University Press, 1974). 80 An exception was Father Kenyon who was vitriolic in his attacks on O’Connell; see Christine Kinealy, Lives of Victorian Political Figures: Daniel O’Connell (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2007

in Repeal and revolution
MPs and portraiture
Henry Miller

, there could be a fine line between individual MPs forcing an issue on to the political agenda and gaining an unwanted reputation as a parliamentary bore or monomaniac. Similarly, independence was venerated, but a dim view was taken of ­inconsistent or random shifts of opinion by MPs. The spread and themes of parliamentary Miller_PoliticsPersonified_Printer.indd 161 23/09/2014 11:54 162 Politics personified portraiture demonstrates that Victorian political culture was heavily individualised, with even political small fry becoming recognisable through the expansion

in Politics personified