Commandment caused on its relationship with the
freedom fighters. As has been seen in the Introduction, competition
between elites over the power to define and lead the national community was very common in Europe at this time, having replaced
the more traditional conflicts between church and state.19 This was
also true for countries such as Ireland where national and confessional identities overlapped in a ‘symbiotic’ manner.20 This symbiosis did not happen automatically: unity had to be forged. The Irish
War of Independence saw the self-assertion of a
strike at its roots.
That ‘race’ is a social construct is now widely accepted, but not enough attention
is given to how the racialisation process worked and continues to work and,
importantly, whose interests it serves. The re-emergence of a potent neoliberal
capitalism has been facilitated by a weak and divided working-class movement.
Central to this division is the tendency to pursue sectional interests in isolation,
and often in competition, with each other. This has been actively encouraged by
those in power – witness how governments try to set poorly paid
children from the late eighteenth century and continued to
provide for orphans on a relatively small scale in the nineteenth. Margaret
Aylward founded St Brigid’s Outdoor Orphanage, or boarding-out institution, in 1856.5 Religious competition generated greater interest in the
welfare of orphans – the children of the church – who in the case of the
Church of Ireland became symbols of strength, vitality and the future.
Given the predominance of the institutionalisation of children, PO
Societies’ support of the ‘family system’ differentiated it from public
Reformation: reformulation, reiteration and reflection
with other disciplines were making an impact even upon
those most wedded to modernism.
When historians examine the development of the debate
about the Reformation since 1980 they should do so not only by
discussing the substance of the academic arguments but also
against the backcloth of changes in the academy. There were now
many more historians than there had been in, for example, the
1960s, but much reduced opportunities for securing positions,
career advancement and funding. Competition was rife and it had
its effect upon the nature of historical research and the
, where he came in 1970, Salique set up his own factory in Cannon
Street Road making garment ‘shells’, which employed around a hundred people.
His first attempt at trade union organisation was among his own workforce.29
Salique’s factory was relatively large, but in general the East End rag trade
had tended to revert to pre-Second World War traditions of backroom
workshops. Larger firms were being encouraged to move out of London and
many manufacturers, faced with growing competition from abroad, depended for
their survival on subcontracting and casualisation of an
into which Britain had been plunged by
foreign competition and the Wall Street Crash.4 By spring 1936 this policy
had been refined by the Ministry of Labour and the Home Office into a positive attempt to steer German industrialists seeking refuge into the areas of
deepest depression: particularly into the districts designated by the Special
Areas Act of 1934 for the creation of government-sponsored industrial estates
(Tyneside, South Wales and the Clyde Valley of Scotland), but also into other
parts of the country, including south Lancashire, in which unemployment
inhumane to animals and causes unnecessary pain and suffering, it is in reality
done not for animal rights purposes, but in order for the industry to kill more
animals quicker so as to increase profits. (Abu Ibrahim, quoted in HMC 2012)
It is this controversy about the effectiveness of stunning that has driven competition to define what is and is not ‘authentic halal’ over the last 15 years (Lever
and Miele 2012), with the outsiders from HMC challenging the boundaries of
HFA’s authority and their established practices (Elias and Scotson 2008).
A number of HMC-
and he began to excel in the ﬁelds of dogmatic theology and scripture to
the extent that he was given classes in theology to teach. In 1865, Logue
enrolled early in the Dunboyne course, a series of postgraduate classes
requiring the submission of a treatise in theology in competition for a
prize. In addition to this he was studying for ordination and had begun to
feel under pressure. He told McGettigan in April 1865, ‘I feel my health
rapidly giving way under the continued strain, being obliged to overwork
myself during the day and in consequence passing [a] great
form of extreme nationalism than as an economic theory, as the next chapter discusses.)
Between mammon and Marx: the contexts of ‘planning for freedom’
Worshipping false gods: critiques of capitalism
Critiques of ‘capitalism’, ‘ laissez-faire ’, ‘the present economic structure’, the ‘world-economic system’, ‘financial values’, the ‘profit motive’, ‘mammon-worship’ and ‘cut-throat competition’ recurred in the Oldham group. The pseudo-religious veneration of economic rationality was seen to encourage greed and exploitation. From its origins the CNL attacked
, diversity and power relations as well as ‘the bigger picture’,
that is, competition between organisations and their relationship to the state
and society at large. Kosher and halal regulation is premised on ways in which
certifiers generate authority among individuals such as company representatives and participants in halal training.
There exists a particular trade relation in the market for kosher and halal.
Consumers buy commodities that ideally comply with certain religious standards, and the trader not only profits but also claims a measure of authority.