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Brian Sudlow

society, La Tour du Pin worked out a theory of social order at the heart of which lay what he called the ‘régime corporatif’. Workers individually and corporately must have rights before the State, protecting them from exploitation and from the effects of uncontrolled competition; it was a theory which, like Cavanaugh’s Eucharistic counter-politics, affirmed essentially that individuals had a stake in one another’s lives. Instead of the nation being underpinned by a binary model of individual–State, La Tour du Pin felt it should be underpinned by a tripartite model of

in Catholic literature and secularisation in France and England, 1880–1914
Mary A. Blackstone

gentry and nobility. It also included religious diversity. Many would have been the same folks that attended local parish churches but, as Jewell noted, knew ‘not, neither what they leaue nor what they should receiue’. We know, however, that some were staunch recusants who would not have been found in any Protestant church.15 Paul Whitfield White has argued that even Protestants of the Puritan persuasion would have gone to plays.16 Puritans who were especially vocal in citing the theatre as direct moral and performative competition with religious belief and church

in Forms of faith
Abstract only
Pastoral care in the parish church
Laura Varnam

Spryngolde, at St Margaret’s in Lynn.15 Katherine French has discussed the popularity of the mendicant orders and the potential threat to the livelihood of parish priests who feared both ‘the loss of revenue and influence when their parishioners sought out confession with a mendicant or requested burial in mendicant or monastic churchyards’.16 There was considerable competition for lay attention in this period, from the mendicant orders but also from local and international pilgrimage sites, as I discussed in Chapter 2, and this might explain why writers like Mirk and the

in The church as sacred space in Middle English literature and culture