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Prodigies, miracles and providence

. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate (Cambridge, MA, 1978), pp. 88–90. 3 A. Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1999); J. Sheehan and D. Wahrman, Invisible Hands: Self-Organization and the Eighteenth Century (Chicago, 2015), pp. 11–46. 4 J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650– 1750 (Oxford, 2001), pp. 218–29; J. Wigelsworth, ‘“God always acts suitable to his character, as a wise and good being”: Thomas Chubb and Thomas Morgan on Miracles and Providence’, in W. Hudson, D. Lucci and J. Wigelsworth (eds), Atheism and

in Reformation without end

that the structure of the Maghrebi immigrant population has changed. ‘[One section] is older, and is increasingly threatened by unemployment in the car, steel and mining industries. The other segment is younger, and in spite of such difficulties as delinquency, unemployment, insufficient vocational training, failure at school, and drug use, is better disposed towards economic, social, cultural and even political self-organization … Some Maghrebians still belong to the first generation, while others are French citizens well-integrated into their social groups’ (Wihtol

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
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those directly engaged in such associative behaviour. The regulation of such consequences cannot be conducted by the primary groupings involved in the respective associative behaviour in the first place (although self-organization by a group to regulate its activities is also an important phenomenon). Consequently, in organizing themselves to deal with such indirect consequences, such a public creates special agencies and appoints officials such as legislators, judges and executives (which might include members of a public acting as citizens) to regulate behaviour and

in John Dewey

competing, forms of government and self-government. Thus, urbanism implies proximate diversity, complicated patterns of government and self-government, a multiplicity of authorities in different registers, the infinite deferral of sovereignty, self-organization and an emergent order that, though chaotic, is by no means anarchic. (Magnusson, 2011 : 11) It is in these facets of urbanism that Magnusson advocates a politics that maintains the

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles

Russian anarchist Mikhail Bakunin wrote: “No state, however democratic – not even the reddest republic – can ever give the people what they really want, i.e., the free self-organization and administration of their own affairs from the bottom upward, without any interference or violence from above” (Dolgoff 1971: 338). Strategy in the anarchist movement is radical and multifaceted. As a political tradition, anarchism has possessed an antagonism toward authority in a broad sense, rather than the limited, popular understanding: as a broad challenge to all forms of

in Black flags and social movements
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difference’. The politics of ‘group assertion’ allows such groups to ‘discover and reinforce the positivity of their specific experience’ (Young 1990 : 166, 167), and requires institutional mechanisms that include the self-organization of group members, group analysis and generation of the public policy proposals and, most controversially, group veto power on policies that directly affect a group (1990: 184

in Globalizing democracy

Orišková, Curating ‘Eastern Europe’ and Beyond: Art Histories Through the Exhibition (Bern: Peter Lang GmbH, 2014); Izabela Kowalczyk, Podróž do przeszłości: interpretacja najnowszej historii w polskiej sztuce krytycznej (Warsaw: SWPS Academica, 2010). 11 Jelena Vesić, ‘SKC (Student Cultural Centre) as a site of performative (self)production, October 75 – institution, self-organization, first-person speech, collectivization’, in Život umjetnosti / [Magazine for Contemporary Visual Arts], 91 (2012), 43. 333 334 Performance art in Eastern Europe since 1960 12

in Performance art in Eastern Europe since 1960

possibilities attached to such a world. (Connolly, 2002: 144) In extrapolating on his idea of this time as becoming, Connolly explains that ‘rifts in time’ are to do with contingent encounters ‘between complex systems with some capacity for self-organization and unexpected events not smoothly assimilable by them’ (2002: 145). This clearly recalls the Deleuzean view of the cross cutting times of chronos and aion. In Pluralism (2005), Connolly further unpacks the meaning of time as becoming as the interaction between immanent chronologies (2005: 103). This leads him to

in Time and world politics
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9/11 as architectural catastrophe and the hypermodernity of Terror

, based on an adaptation of ideas from cyberneticists Humberto Maturana and Francisco Varela’s (1980) theory of autopoiesis. Lars Spuybroek (2002) derives ideas from the biophilosophical discourse of complexity to reconceive the ‘soft city’. Arjen Mulder (2002) argues that is necessary to remodel the city in the ‘self-organizational’ terms of neo-Darwinian theories of evolution, which Virilio himself had explicitly polemicised against in his tracts of the 1960s. In turn, we have to ask whether this cybernetic discourse, with its emphasis upon movement, instability, and

in The biopolitics of the war on terror

methods of attack are thought to raise a revolutionary consciousness, their effectiveness disincentives the masses and those targeted are easily replaced. The anarchist prophets of the “propaganda of the deed” can argue all they want about the elevating and stimulating influence of terrorist acts on the masses. Theoretical considerations and political experience prove otherwise. The more “effective” the terrorist acts, the greater their impact, the more they reduce the interest of the masses in self-organization and self-education. But the smoke from the confusion

in The politics of attack