women, who were a minority, it is not the writer’s intention to
denigrate the importance of the majority of women, whose voices often
rang loud and clear during their lifetimes, but who are silent in the historical record.
The most obvious Catholicwomen whose voices were heard between
1800 and 1921 were nuns, as religious sisters were commonly known.
The increase in the number and variety of religiouswomen over this
period has been well documented over the past twenty-five years.
According to Tony Fahey, numbers rose from 120 in 1800 to over
8,000 in 1901. There
Bringing together leading authorities on Irish women and migration, this book offers a significant reassessment of the place of women in the Irish diaspora. It demonstrates the important role played by women in the construction of Irish diasporic identities, comparing Irish women's experience in Britain, Canada , New Zealand and the United States. The book considers how the Catholic Church could be a focal point for women's Irish identity in Britain. It examines how members of the Ladies' Orange Benevolent Association (LOBA) maintained a sense of Irish Protestant identity, focused on their associational life in female Orange lodges. The book offers a lens on Irish society, and on countries where they settled, and considerable scope for comparative analysis of the impact of different cultures and societies on women's lives. It reviews key debates in Transnational Studies (TS) and Diaspora Studies (DS) before discussing the particular contribution of DS in framing 1990s study of migrant and non-migrant Irish women. Feminist and queer theory scholarship in Irish DS has begun to address the gender and sexual politics of diaspora by attending to the dynamics of boundary expansion, queering and dissolution. The book suggests that religion can be both a 'bright' and a 'blurry' boundary, while examining how religious identities intersect with ethnicity and gender. It also includes the significance of the categories of gender and generation, and their intersection with ethnicity in the context of the official London St Patrick's Day Festival.
themselves to teaching.
This chapter shows how womenreligious took female elementary education and catholicity in Scotland to a new level, and it is divided into two. It
considers the role that womenreligious played in the development of Catholic
education and examines how this was interlinked with the state’s ambition to
reduce working-class radicalism and with Scotland’s emerging national identity. The first section outlines educational provision at mid-century and compares it to what existed on the eve of the Education (Scotland) Act of 1872.
The second section
’ identity formation within the community and the family, and girls themselves
became integral to the creation of Ireland’s modern Catholic culture.2
At parish rituals such as the bishop’s visitation of parishes and First
Communion, girls experienced devotion, awe, and anxiety. As they
encountered a pervasive religious material culture in the community
and in the home, girls learned to associate the physical, sensual, and
corporeal with their faith.3 Girls’ devotional experiences also further
document the unique combination of change and continuity that characterised women’s
chapter of this book looks at Catholicwomen’s sexual and religious
development in the years that preceded their marriages. For all the
interviewees bar one, this period did not involve any penetrative
intercourse. For the vast majority, there was also little to no genital
activity of any kind with a partner, while only six spoke of solitary
religion have focused on the discourses, ideas and language of religious
faith, while neglecting its material, embodied experience. As we shall
see, this tendency amongst historians is itself a product of much larger
trends at work in the twentieth century.
The book works with rather than on Catholicwomen and their life stories. 8
Since the emergence of socio-scientific and psychoanalytical disciplines
limited at first, was accomplished through the cooperative effort of male and
female religious personnel and a committed and increasingly influential laity.
Catholics embarked upon a campaign of religious voluntarism that mirrored
the activities of their Presbyterian counterparts and established the roots of a
social welfare network that would emphasise a commitment to the poor and
guard Catholics against Protestant proselytism.1 The moral agency of women
was a key part of the process since it was believed that the transformation of
society would be achieved by and
to familial duties. As the following chapter
demonstrates, this modern life-cycle stage was of particular
significance for the sexual and religious development of married
Catholicwomen in post-war England.
Later marriage broadly denotes the years of sexual
activity that came after the daily demands of childrearing had
diminished. 2 The
parameters of this life
demonstrates how a conceptual separation between the sexual and the
religious took hold in the post-war decades, shaping the way early
marriage was contemporaneously experienced and also retrospectively
understood by Catholicwomen. Rather than simply being defined by
binaries of repression/liberation and authority/autonomy, the cleaving
of sex and religion worked along deeper, material lines
The mass migration of
Catholic Irish was a key stimulant that forced indigenous Catholics to reappraise their relationship with Scottish and British society and come up with a
strategy that would allow them to join in with the social, economic and imperial ambitions of the nation and the state.
This study examines the changing nature of Catholicism in modern
Scotland by placing a significant emphasis on womenreligious. It highlights
the defining role they played in the transformation and modernisation of the
Catholic Church as it struggled to cope with