internal as external threat; if little welfare or political rights are delivered, precarious legitimacy is exceptionally dependent on the nationalist or Islamic credibility of foreign policy (Dawisha 1990).
Aspects of state formation
This study will argue that several aspects of state formation are pivotal in determining the international behaviour of states and specifically to explaining variations in their foreign policies.
(1) The circumstances of a state’s initial composition tend to set it on a
lens on the Arab–Israeli conflict suggests that a fully
consolidated peace agreement will follow only the waning of militarism
and the waxing of moderation as the dominant Israeli doctrine guiding
both Israel’s position in the peace process and the establishing
of national and personal security within Israel.
Chapter 4 , by Bassam Tibi,
undertakes a dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to
traditionally had been
about the attainment of a well-defined political objective. The attacks on the
World Trade Center and the Pentagon, in contrast, appeared to be an attack
on American cultural and political hegemony, and an effort to galvanise a
new pan-Islamic anti-western identity rather than a serious effort to make
the United States withdraw its forces from Saudi Arabia or reduce its support
for Israel. Moreover, Bin Laden and al-Qaeda denied responsibility in the
hope that anonymity would enable them to avoid retribution. All that was
lacking from the worst
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
disturbing trends and it now poses one of the biggest,
and more direct, threats to African peace and stability. As such, it has
been accorded a high priority by African governments, regional and subregional organizations, and the international community. The reason
for this is clear. As distinct from the African ethno-nationalist terrorism
of the liberation struggle with its well defined goals—independence and
a transfer of political and economic power—this form of the so-called
“new terrorism” seeks a fundamental transformation of the world.
Radical Islam epitomizes the
Origins of the state
Saudi Arabia was founded by the al-Saud clan’s dual mobilisation of tribal military power and the Wahhabi Islamic movement. Unlike most Middle Eastern countries, the state was, thus, founded by indigenous forces, never experienced an imperialist occupation or protectorate and was therefore spared the accompanying collaboration with imperialism that often discredited traditional elites. This does not mean that Saudi state-building was a wholly indigenous product, for the impoverished Arabian peninsula lacked the economic
. In this way, the individual states were ‘de-constructing’ the Arab system (Barnett 1998: 206–7; Seale 1988: 185–213; Sela 1998: 189–213).
The consequent popular disillusionment precipitated a decline in mass Arabism in the 1980s, but identifications did not necessarily attach to the states. Rather, the negative side effects of state-building – notably the explosion of corruption and inequality accompanying the oil bonanza – left states with legitimacy deficits and with no convincing substitute for Arabism or Islam as legitimating ideologies
diluted by, outlandish and unconnected topics.
For instance, the ‘Conspiracy Theories and
Misinformation’ web feature published in 2009 included two
topic headings – ‘September 11’ and ‘US
and Islam’ – that were directly related to the War on
Terror (see Figure 1 ). But they appeared
alongside the topic headings ‘Health’,
‘Military’, ‘Outer Space
consisting predominantly of the Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Democratic Front for the
Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) ( Shikaki, 1998 : 30–1).
A second source of opposition to the regime consists of
radical Islamists, primarily Hamas and Islamic Jihad ,
which also challenge its secularism and offer a competing set of
legitimacy principles based upon Islamic precepts. 16 A
these tensions is that, throughout the Cold War, the focus of
security in the region was drawn to state sovereignty and territory
rather than human security concerns.
The third principal threat that concerns the
region’s security analysts comes from terrorism, radical Islam
and secessionist movements. Virtually every state in the region,
with the possible exception of Singapore