Photographic encounters between Dutch and Indonesian royals
In 1800 the Dutch East India Company was dissolved. Meanwhile, the Napoleonic Wars in Europe left the stewardship of Dutch possessions in the Indies contested between France, the Netherlands and Britain. In 1816 Dutch authority on Java resumed, this time as a crown colony, for in 1814 the House of Orange had been installed as a monarchy, following the ‘restoration’ – or in the Dutch case, creation – of royal heads of state all over Europe in the wake of Napoleon's defeat. From then onwards, the fortunes of the Dutch monarchy in Asia ascended relative to Indonesian
contention a territorial personification. In graphic terms, the contest between the two European powers is an unequal one, since Rhodes, realistically depicted, heroically (indeed histrionically) posed and occupying the moral foreground, can only appear superior to the squat, ungainly caricature who tries maladroitly to oppose him. But the figure of Mashonaland complicates any simple triumphalist reading. She stares apprehensively towards Rhodes, her fists clenched to her mouth in a stereotypical gesture of anxious female defencelessness which seems to deprecate Rhodes
Missions, the colonial state and constructing a health system in colonial Tanganyika
of Christianity, commerce and civilisation that the
Livingstonean and Victorian imaginations of missionary enterprise had
envisaged. But if by the 1910s and 1920s they had become, in effect,
part of the mix of service providers, they could not be said to
constitute a ‘sector’ in the sense of a collective
identity, shared values and objectives and common interests. Reflecting
the history of the
has argued that this contestation over the same people, goods and natural resources, or ‘jurisdictional jockeying’ and ‘jurisdictional politics’, was commonplace. 18 Colonial governments also often delegated authority to different imperial agents. 19 This sometimes included incorporating indigenous elites into imperial administration or allowing them to govern their localities with minimal imperial oversight. 20 Likewise, when the British obtained extraterritorial privileges in China, the China they set foot in was a vast multi-ethnic empire with a plural legal
consolidate his legal powers amid the debates over the legal status of Kashgar as a ‘treaty mart’ as opposed to a ‘treaty port’. In the final section, I analyse how the British colonial and consular worlds merged with a piece of legislation – the China (Kashgar) Order in Council (1920).
Imperial interests in Xinjiang
For several centuries, the region of Xinjiang was a contested zone between large empires and local factions. Political power oscillated between local khanates and the three large competing empires of Mongolia, Russia and China. 4 It was an expansive
headmen ( begs ) who were ‘between two worlds’ of Chinese imperial officials and the local population. 5 In this chapter, I not only highlight a similar mediation role of British aqsaqals , but also show how the consular organisation of aqsaqals reflected an important link to the Indian subcontinent.
I turn next to examine the identity of British registered subjects. As Madhavi Thampi has explored, many British subjects migrated to the province from the three main trade routes through Badakhshan, Kashmir and Ladakh. 6 I take a closer look at the British community
The iconography of Anglo-American inter-imperialism
Similar examples proliferated in the American press, all of which depicted an aged John Bull defeated by a lively Uncle Sam in all manner of industrial, cultural, and sporting contests.
Life magazine even featured John Bull as Rip Van Winkle, the title character of Washington Irving's allegorical tale of a society haunted by its colonial past. In William H. Walker's centrefold spread, John Bull as Rip Van Winkle awakes from his slumber to find an onrushing tide of Uncle Sam miniatures carrying
humiliation to encourage the nationalist trend.
In the face of this militarism and nationalism, which touched quite a number of European countries at the time, Der Wahre Jacob rarely took sides in the contests in which the major powers confronted one another. It was almost always a neutral observer of the fluctuations in the international situation, which it did not always seem to want to try to understand ( Figure 12.8 ). Sometimes, it even did not seem to realise the full gravity
concerned with helping mothers within these local
communities; certainly they were by the far the largest groups cited in
the ZMA’s annual reports as using its midwives. 62 Even this provision was sometimes
contested, however, with various religious and ethnic subgroups of the
Arab and Indian communities sporadically complaining that funds were not
being targeted at the specific communities for which they had been
to Chen, provided an opportunity for key British actors to legitimise British military action against China. With respect to the identities of these ‘key British actors’, Song-Chuan Chen has recently added that a group of British merchants in Canton, known as the ‘warlike party’, should be held primarily responsible for the outbreak of war between the two nations.
His book Merchants of War and Peace is helpful in expanding the existing knowledge on the British mercantile community in Canton in the 1830s, by