The European Union’s dilemma
The European Union’s dilemma:
towards a union or not?
From its humble beginnings, [the Roman Empire] has grown so much that it is
now suffering under its own size. (Titus Livius)1
In March 1999 the European Commission, the European Union’s executive
branch, resigned under accusations of fraud, nepotism and mismanagement, leading to intensive soul-searching as to what could be the right
form of management for the EU. How could the democratic aspects of
the emerging entity be enhanced? How could democracy be improved
for mourning and a memorial to the victims of racism
which originated in slave society. Significantly, it has been renamed in
popular parlance the ‘Bussa’ statue after one of the key
participants in the 1816 slave revolt, turning this commemoration of
slavery into a celebration of black resistance.
At Independence the complexion of the political, legal
and judicial executive had become definitively and
Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy (1833–1918) was one of the most significant pioneers of the British women's emancipation movement, though her importance is little recognised. Wolstenholme Elmy referred to herself as an ‘initiator’ of movements, and she was at the heart of every campaign Victorian feminists conducted — her most well-known position being that of secretary of the Married Women's Property Committee from 1867–82. A fierce advocate of human rights, as the secretary of the Vigilance Association for the Defence of Personal Rights, Wolstenholme Elmy earned the nickname of the ‘parliamentary watch-dog’ from Members of Parliament anxious to escape her persistent lobbying. Also a feminist theorist, she believed wholeheartedly in the rights of women to freedom of their person, and was the first woman ever to speak from a British stage on the sensitive topic of conjugal rape. Wolstenholme Elmy engaged theoretically with the rights of the disenfranchised to exert force in pursuit of the vote, and Emmeline Pankhurst lauded her as ‘first’ among the infamous suffragettes of the Women's Social and Political Union. As a lifelong pacifist, however, she resigned from the WSPU Executive in the wake of increasingly violent activity from 1912. A prolific correspondent, journalist, speaker and political critic, Wolstenholme Elmy left significant resources, believing they ‘might be of value’ to historians. This book draws on a great deal of this documentation to produce a portrait that does justice to her achievements as a lifelong ‘Insurgent woman’.
In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
where she founded the Womanhood Suffrage League of New South
Wales in 1891. Returned to Europe in 1892. Member of the Theosophical
Society 1892–1900. Executive Committee member of the Central National
Society for Women’s Suffrage, 1896. Executive Committee member of
the Union of Practical Suffragists, founded 1896. Member of the
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CAST OF CHARACTERS
Hammersmith Trades and Labour Council, 1906. Member of the Women’s
Social and Political Union, 1904–7. Honorary Secretary of the Adult
Suffrage Society 1909–12.
their own way on some matters it was because they were over-ruled
by the society’s other members. It is therefore highly implausible that
any remaining frustrations over local issues would have led the boilermakers in the north-east to seek a change in the executive from a body
they elected themselves to one elected by boilermakers throughout the
country as a whole.
The politics of national leadership
Nor were the Webbs in favour of the constitutional reforms proposed
in 1895, despite their portrayal of the boilermakers’ society as the leading example of a
otherwise of appeasement are not the concern of this book. Rather, what is at issue here is the impact
of the highly controversial politics of foreign policy in the later 1930s upon the
League movement’s centrist strategy. This impact was profound.
The renewed vigour with which the LNU championed collective security
after Abyssinia undoubtedly placed it at odds with government supporters.
Austen Chamberlain finally resigned in May 1936 after the Executive refused
to support the lifting of mild sanctions against Italy, a move which reflected a
more widely held view amongst
Armistice Night meeting, which
had been attended almost exclusively by women, ‘while at that held by the
ILP [the] next night men predominated’.37 The belief that men preferred
party-political meetings was also voiced at a meeting of the Mere branch
Executive in December 1927, where, having heard from one officer of ‘the
little knowledge of the League amongst many of the men in Mere’, it was
decided to invite the three main political parties to appoint representatives
with a view to arranging a joint meeting the following summer.38 There are
certainly plausible grounds
The Georgian colonies of New South Wales and Upper Canada, 1788–1837
in the late 1790s and the early 1800s. Most came to Upper Canada
purely to seek opportunity or to escape the unrest in their native
land. Several of Irish Whig persuasion became active in political
life as reformers. They reacted unfavourably against what they saw
as oppressive laws and arbitrary conduct on the part of the
executive. Although several disappeared quickly from the provincial