A global history

In this book scholars from across the globe investigate changes in ‘society’ and ‘nation’ over time through the lens of immunisation. Such an analysis unmasks the idea of vaccination as a simple health technology and makes visible the social and political complexities in which vaccination programmes are embedded. The collection of essays gives a comparative overview of immunisation at different times in widely different parts of the world and under different types of political regime. Core themes in the chapters include immunisation as an element of state formation; citizens’ articulation of seeing (or not seeing) their needs incorporated into public health practice; allegations that development aid is inappropriately steering third-world health policies; and an ideological shift that treats vaccines as marketable and profitable commodities rather than as essential tools of public health. Throughout, the authors explore relationships among vaccination, vaccine-making, and the discourses and debates on citizenship and nationhood that have accompanied mass vaccination campaigns. The thoughtful investigations of vaccination in relation to state power, concepts of national identify (and sense of solidarity) and individual citizens’ sense of obligation to self and others are completed by an afterword by eminent historian of vaccination William Muraskin. Reflecting on the well-funded global initiatives which do not correspond to the needs of poor countries, Muraskin asserts that an elite fraternity of self-selected global health leaders has undermined the United Nations system of collective health policy determination by launching global disease eradication and immunisation programmes over the last twenty years.

Coffee and society in Georgian England

4 The politics of sobriety: coffee and society in Georgian England It was said of Socrates, that he brought philosophy down from heaven, to inhabit among men; and I shall be ambitious to have it said of me, that I have brought philosophy out of closets and libraries, schools and colleges, to dwell in clubs and assemblies, at tea-tables and in coffee-houses. (Thomas Addison) This is one of the disadvantages of wine. It makes a man mistake words for thoughts. (Samuel Johnson) The prohibitory Gin Act of 1736 had a number of political consequences: it revealed the

in The politics of alcohol
The age of consent in India

matched by South Australia the same year and echoed soon after in other parts of the Empire, including India, where it increased from 10 to 12 in 1891. And if, as Antoinette Burton puts it, ‘1885 was clearly the annus mirabilis of sexual politics in locations beyond London’, 1 this seems to have been more than coincidence. Evidence that English developments were originary, their colonial counterparts derivative, is apparently plentiful. The derivative hypothesis, which reads colonial sexuality politics as something England

in Sex, politics and empire
English newspapers, correspondents, travellers

Like people and schools of criticism, ideas and theories travel – from person to person, from situation to situation, from one period to another. 1 English purity campaigners saw their own country as a net exporter of the ideas, laws and movements that drove sexuality politics around the world. Josephine Butler claimed that ‘England has been sending forth to all these parts of the world two streams, one pure and the other foul’. 2 She echoed the words of Ottobah Cugoano

in Sex, politics and empire
Abstract only

As Europe was used by elements within the elite on both sides of the issue to secure electoral and political advantage, it is advantageous to define the character of the political elite. The definition of the political elite for the purpose of this book is Members of Parliament. This is because it was they who were directly involved in the political decision-making on Britain's membership of the Common Market, and so the evidence of their behaviour is readily available. Whilst this definition is utilised, however, it is apparent that there

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984

This book is a wide-ranging survey of the development of mass movements for democracy and workers’ rights in northern England. It surveys movements throughout the whole period, from the first working-class radical societies of the 1790s to trade unions in the 1830s and Chartists and Owenite socialists in the 1840s. It offers a provocative narrative of the privatisation of public space and workers’ dispossession from place, with parallels for contemporary debates about protests in public space and democracy and anti-globalisation movements.

Space and place are central to the strategies and meaning of protest. The book examines the reaction by governments and local authorities, who sought to restrict public and private political meetings, demonstrations and marches. It charts the physical and symbolic conflicts over who had the right to speak and meet in northern England. The Peterloo Massacre of 1819 marked a particularly significant turning point in the relationship between government, local elites and the working classes. Radicals, organised labour and Chartists fought back by challenging their exclusion from public spaces, creating their own sites and eventually constructing their own buildings. They looked to new horizons, including America. This book also examines the relationship of protesters with place. Rural resistance, including enclosure riots, arson and machine-breaking during Luddism in 1812 and the Captain Swing agitation of the early 1830s, demonstrated communities’ defence of their landscape as a place of livelihood and customary rights.

The public on education and politics

5 Revolutionary politics à la plume: the public on education and politics Jules Michelet described the spring of 1789 as the “true era of the birth of the people. It called the whole nation to the exercise of its rights. They could at least write their complaints, their wishes, and choose the electors.”1 While historians have been quick to note the distance that separated the representatives in Versailles and the people who had elected them, Michelet’s point is worth remembering. The citizens could write. And write they did. They built upon the precedent of the

in In pursuit of politics
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I POLITICAL TRACTS The text referred to as the Laws of Edward and Guthrum survives in two twelfth-century manuscripts: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 383 and Strood, Medway Archive and Local Studies Centre, MS. DRc/R1 ( Textus Roffensis ). Both manuscripts treat the text as an authentic example of early tenth-century Anglo-Saxon royal

in The political writings of Archbishop Wulfstan of York
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Women and poor law administration

6 Domestic politics: women and poor law administration Having looked at the way in which nationalist ideology influenced the selection and conduct of poor law guardians, we turn now to the impact of gender ideology. Prevailing assumptions about gender roles both restricted the contribution of women to poor law administration, and provided motivation and justification for their involvement. By the end of the nineteenth century women had won the right to act as poor law guardians, an achievement hailed as an important milestone on the road to women’s suffrage. The

in Politics, pauperism and power in late nineteenth-century Ireland
The political campaigns of early labour leader

13 Class, performance and socialist politics: the political campaigns of early labour leaders Marcus Morris T he political world of late Victorian Britain was in many ways a dramatic show, with politicians’ campaign performances appealing to a disparate audience. Many politicians conceptualised themselves as performers, including labour and socialist politicians, who are the focus of this chapter. They deliberately sought character types and roles for themselves to play, often along class lines. The use of theatrical techniques, including the manipulation of

in Politics, performance and popular culture