chapter is structured as follows. The first part reflects on the historical as well as literary linkage between romanticism, rebellion and revolution.
Employing the method of narrative analysis outlined in Chapter 1 and focusing on setting, characterization and emplotment, the second part then emphasizes the romantic side of an ambiguous and partly orientalist narrative about
Romantic narratives in international politics
the Arab rebel in movies such as Lawrence of Arabia. Following this, the third
part of the chapter shows the persistence of these romantic
. In particular they try and tell romantic stories about
themselves in which they strategically employ romantic settings, characterizations and emplotments.
In contrast to the chapter on pirates in which the romanticization was not
so much down to the strategic employment of particular stories but was rather
Romantic narratives in international politics
embedded in a wider cultural narrative of the pirate, this chapter is interested in
a more strategic perspective in which the agent attempts to tell certain stories
to the world but is nevertheless limited in
patrol the skies. Too late, it turned out, to prevent a third passenger plane from crashing into the Pentagon forty-five minutes later.
It is often said that ‘9/11’ changed international politics. This is an exaggeration. The fact of the matter is that international politics had already changed. It had been changed dramatically a decade earlier by the unravelling of the Soviet empire. This had marked a transition from a bipolar to a unipolar system. It had also involved a normative shift; a rapid fading of the communist ideology and a strengthening – to the
The eighteenth century has many names: the Age of the Old Regime, the Age of Enlightenment, the Age of Democratic Revolution, the Age of Cosmopolitanism … It is rarely called the Age of Upheaval, although it is an apt label: The eighteenth century began with a wave of great wars. These wars stimulated the emergence of the modern state. The growth of the state was one of the characteristic features of the century. Debates about the nature of states and about their interrelations mark the political thought of the age.
The evolving institutions of
will introduce writers like the Italian diplomat Alberico Gentili and the Spanish lawyer Francisco de Vitoria. But it will emphasize the writings of the French scholar Jean Bodin who formulated the modern concept of ‘sovereignty’ and exerted a formative influence on the subsequent scholarship of interstate relations.
Social innovations, economic changes and political power
No one knows who invented gunpowder. The ancient Chinese certainly possessed it. It came via the Islamic empire to Europe. The Europeans put it to purposeful military use in the
WHILE PARANOID politics has
received significant attention as a characteristic of American
popular culture, only a handful of scholars have examined its
international political dimensions. This gap is particularly notable
since the paranoid psychology of enemy leaders and the conspiracy
mindedness of regional cultures are regular subjects of foreign
MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 08/19/2013, SPi
Political rights under a military rule
Citizenship, as a bundle of rights and as experience, is regarded in the political
thought as a safeguard for the citizens against excesses by the state or by powerful groups (e.g. Marshall, 1950). Among these, political rights have been
associated with highly esteemed notions such as the sovereignty of the people.
However, what could the meaning of political rights be under a state of exception, where the basic rights, which enable citizens to
granted that the world is a secure place for First World [i.e.
developed] states and their citizens’, while the same is not true
for developing world countries ( Job, 1992 : 11).
This chapter’s purpose is to broaden the definition
of security by including regimes and societies as essential referent
objects of security. Demands for social, economic and political rights
across the Middle East have threatened
process disrupted a multiplicity of regional ties while reorienting many economic and communications links to the Western ‘core’. In reaction, new supra-state ideologies, expressive of the lost cultural unity, were increasingly embraced: Pan-Arabism by the Arabic-speaking middle class and political Islam among the lower middle classes. Both, at various times, challenged the legitimacy of the individual states and spawned movements promoting the unification of states as a cure for the fragmentation of the recognised community. The result has been that the Arab world
State-building is the effort of rulers to institutionalise state structures capable of absorbing expanding political mobilisation and controlling territory corresponding to an identity community. In the Middle East, the flaws built into the process from its origins have afflicted the states with enduring legitimacy deficits (Hudson 1977). Because imperialism drew boundaries that haphazardly corresponded to identity, installed client elites in them and created the power machineries of the new