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Peter Mair’s ‘popular component’ in constitutional democracy (see chapter 1 ) had a high profile in pre- and post-devolution politics in the UK. Though the Northern Ireland context of devolution was unique and ‘new politics’ not in its lexicon, elements of the values behind reform in Scotland and Wales were present there. ‘New politics’ was most fully

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict

environmental level, conducive to such radicalisation. Yet, as an abstract, diagrammatic reading of this power will make clear, the function of power produced and mobilised in Prevent goes beyond these bounds. Rather, it will be argued, it constitutes a novel approach to managing threats. It represents the production of a newly realised social space, that of individuals who may become violent, and is a problematic capable of encompassing all who may engage in political violence. This chapter then analyses the political consequences of

in Counter-radicalisation policy and the securing of British identity

Long after the signing of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement – hereafter the Agreement – in Northern Ireland, the far-reaching consequences envisaged in the consociation of the competing political groupings of Ulster unionism and Irish nationalism became manifest. A long and tortuous path led to the formation of an inclusive coalition government headed by the supposed

in Abandoning historical conflict?

Debates about (in)coherence and (in)effectiveness of EU foreign policy are nothing new. In fact, academics and policy-makers alike have long bemoaned the failure of the EU to shape world politics in a way commensurate to its economic power. From the Gulf War to the Libyan crisis, the EU has been criticised for its inability to respond to international events in a coherent and

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia

’ in bringing about its end have attracted far less analysis. Yet prisoners played a significant role in creating conditions for peace. Republican prisoners moved away from the ‘self-inflicted theological inertia’ which had impaired durable political progress (Adams 2005 : 122) whilst loyalist political leadership emerged as a consequence of prison experiences (Gallaher 2007

in Abandoning historical conflict?

reflect what appear to be central empirical concerns of the authors. These are firstly, political pressure on the Garda Síochána; secondly, financial pressure on the Defence Forces; and thirdly, Anglo-Irish considerations in Irish national security policy. The objective is to situate the study in the constellation of Irish security scholarship and, in this vein, to show where existing work departs from

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy

Ferdinand de Saussure’s arguments in order to offer some thoughts on the role of naming in relation to the Kosovo conflict. Naming concerns the relationship of language and reality. Using Jacques Derrida’s thought, the second section argues that the idea of the existence of a reality, which constrains our actions, is itself a representation, which has political implications. The third section explores how

in Mapping European security after Kosovo

eventually published on 30 September 2005. For example, Laus Seidel drew the prophet standing in front of desert scenery that more closely resembled an artistic portrait than the biting satire traditionally associated with political cartoons. Franz Füchsel took the opportunity criticize the contest itself by depicting Mohammed telling two armed militants to ‘Relax guys, it’s just a drawing made by some

in Political cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Abstract only

FEW PEOPLE appreciate the skill required to read political cartoons. Unlike the background information that accompanies newspaper articles or the captions that frame newspaper photographs, editorial cartoons provide readers few identifiers or descriptors needed to identify new actors or concepts. Instead, cartoons use a combination of physical distortion, cultural references and visual

in Political cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
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A cartoon analysis of conflict

STUDYING POLITICAL cartoons has made me both more certain of the insight they offer to conflict research and more cautious when reading them. The controversy surrounding the Jyllands Posten cartoons exemplifies the ease with which a cartoon’s meaning can be misconstrued. A selective sample of offensive cartoons, combined with three forgeries, was used to substantiate

in Political cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict