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British relief to the Balkans, 1876–78
Rebecca Gill

sprang up to provide medical aid to Ottoman or Russian troops. The NAS, after initial hesitation, launched its own mission to the Balkans following the Serbian declaration of war against the Ottoman Empire in 1876, and again during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78. In Britain this surge of relief would occasion considerable political interest, and controversy, but it would be too

in Calculating compassion
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

1930s and disappeared almost without trace after 1945. By 1889 43,960 students had enrolled in 2,940 public schools in Burma. Education was on the brink of transforming society. 2 Winston had dreamed of a day when networks of Wesleyan primary schools would feed mission ‘high schools and training institutions’. 3 Political antagonism and lack of resources ultimately prevented the fulfilment of his ambition. Despite this, within two years Winston had established five schools with a total of 139 pupils. 4 Three of the

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

churches and Muslim mosques. Senior pongyis mounted vigorous protests, which prompted the Revolutionary Council to retreat. Confusingly, it explained that the regulation applied only to ‘religious associations’ involved in ‘political activities’. 37 By April 1964 Bishop was the last ‘front-line’ Methodist missionary in Upper Burma and the last European of any sort in Monywa. 38 Barbara Bishop had returned to Britain with their children in February. Bishop discovered only by accident that his colleague, Rev. Broxholme

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

an unhealthy place for European missionaries. Office politics caused difficulties too, and personnel problems cropped up with increasing regularity as more missionaries arrived. Winston was beside himself in 1897 when the Missionary Committee issued nambypamby new guidelines for the selection of missionaries. Winston had one trusty selection criterion. He looked for ‘a strong man in every sense’. 61 It seemed to him that the Committee just wanted men ‘fond of sitting quiet’. Winston felt particularly sore because

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

April 1944. Acheson did not reply in case it fell into Japanese hands. U Po Wine was leader of the Kalemyo Methodists. 12 SOAS/MMS/Correspondence/FBN4/W. Brown-Moffett (BCMS), 19 December 1944; Chemi, a Lushai girl, translated for him. She was educated at Mandalay Girls High School, had trained as a nurse in Moulmein and became prominent in the post-war Church. 13 Dorothy Hess Guyot, ‘The Political Impact of the Japanese Occupation of Burma’, unpublished PhD

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Michael D. Leigh

Calling to Mind , H.E.W. Braund’s history of Steel Brothers (Oxford, Pergamon, 1975), but Kennedy is mentioned in various private papers. 50 SOAS/MMS/Uncatalogued/MRP/6D/26/Firth Papers: Letter from Firth, June 1942. 51 The evacuation had profound political repercussions. It caused abrasions within the civil administration and rifts between the civil and military authorities. Useful analyses of the episode are provided by Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
The Radcliffe award
Lucy P. Chester

desires and goals, or that the division’s failings were due to South Asian squabbling. When it came down to it, partition was (from the British perspective) a means of avoiding British responsibility while shedding the economic burden that India had become. This fact is not surprising – it simply reflects political realities – but it does not jibe with imperialist propaganda about empire’s benefits for

in Borders and conflict in South Asia
E. A. Freeman and Victorian public morality
Author: Vicky Randall

This book seeks to reclaim E. A. Freeman (1823–92) as a leading Victorian historian and public moralist. Freeman was a prolific writer of history, Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford, and outspoken commentator on current affairs. His reputation declined sharply in the twentieth century, however, and the last full-scale biography was W. R. W. Stephens’ Life and Letters of Edward A. Freeman (1895). When Freeman is remembered today, it is for his six-volume History of the Norman Conquest (1867–79), celebrations of English progress, and extreme racial views.

Revisiting Freeman and drawing on previously unpublished materials, this study analyses his historical texts in relationship to the scholarly practices and intellectual preoccupations of their time. Most importantly, it draws out Thomas Arnold’s influence on Freeman’s understanding of history as a cyclical process in which the present collapsed into the past and vice versa. While Freeman repeatedly insisted on the superiority of the so-called ‘Aryans’, a deeper reading shows that he defined race in terms of culture rather than biology and articulated anxieties about decline and recapitulation. Contrasting Freeman’s volumes on Western and Eastern history, this book foregrounds religion as the central category in Freeman’s scheme of universal history. Ultimately, he conceived world-historical development as a battleground between Euro-Christendom and the Judeo-Islamic Orient and feared that the contemporary expansion of the British Empire and contact with the East would prove disastrous.

Lindsey Dodd

-Allied propaganda. Rather, it came about because of a tangible, quantitative change in the scale of the assault, and the qualitative change in its counterpart, fear. Bombing formed part of the ‘single biggest collective phenomenon’ of war: fear.85 But anger at the bombers was never a collective phenomenon; the population remained broadly on the side of the bombers, as help for downed airmen demonstrates. German and collaborationist propaganda played on fear of the Allies, not the bombs, for political gain. Pro-Allied propaganda focused on the bombs themselves, contextualising

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Lindsey Dodd

they would get their reward at the liberation, when ‘you’ll be able to say that you helped to make it happen’.39 Suffering became a tool to inspire resistance; thus bombing could be better contextualised as part of war, and enduring it was part of resistance. Children’s actions were attributed importance, and some agency. This was mostly situated in domestic realm. Yet inciting political graffiti and participating in liberation placed them on the public stage. In wartime, children could act as Trojan horses, carrying ideologies home to parents. But did they? And

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45