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Tony Kushner

Rather than simply a rogue minister of dubious honesty, the Morrison affair revealed much about the nature of Jewish migration at the turn of the twentieth century. Small communities and congregations depended on ministers from eastern Europe to provide basic religious functions including shochet, mohel and educator as well as a leader of services. 43 An anecdote told about the Reverend Cohen, who served at both Portsmouth and Bournemouth Hebrew Congregations, neatly encapsulates the many roles expected of the minister: ‘In the middle of a cheder lesson … a little boy

in Anglo-Jewry since 1066
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Benjamin J. Elton

Aaron Hart as their rabbi in 1704, but as early as 1707 the Ashkenazi community began to fragment when Marcus Moses set up a synagogue in his home which eventually became the Hambro Synagogue.14 In 1760 a synagogue was founded in Westminster which became the Western Synagogue, and in 1761 the congregation that would evolve into the New Synagogue was founded, in addition to a number of other small synagogues and prayer groups (hevrot and minyanim).15 Aaron Hart was recognised as the religious authority for all London Jews, as was his successor, Hart Lyon (rabbi 1758

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970
J. F. Merritt

at St Margaret’s at Christmas 1647, as we shall see. Christmas Day services had rapidly become a natural focus of opposition to the religious reforms. From the outset, the new monthly fast days had always run the risk of clashing with traditional church feasts (even if the fasts were not always rigorously observed: it was complained in December 1643 that some MPs had been dining in a tavern ‘most part of the Time that the House was solemnizing the Fast’).53 Thomas Fuller had alerted his congregation at the Savoy to the problem of how the new monthly fast might

in Westminster 1640–60
Between the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Letters
Aurélien Girard and Giovanni Pizzorusso

to the Society of Jesus, Propaganda decreed in 1625 that no alumni could be admitted to a religious congregation.32 However, the Maronite scholar Abraham Ecchellensis, alumnus of the college,33 explained that this new prohibition was not suitable for the Maronites, as some of the students wanted to join the order of Saint Antony ‘because many Maronite bishops were selected from that order’.34 For a similar reason, the congregation had already revoked an equivalent prohibition imposed on the Greek college.35 After its visitation of the college in 1629

in College communities abroad
The development of Protestantism in Nantes, 1558–72
Elizabeth C. Tingle

. After 1558, up to thirty Protestant churches were founded at different times, especially in eastern and southern Brittany, with important congregations in Vitré, Rennes, and particularly, Nantes. The size of the church here was never large in comparison to cities such as Rouen or Troyes, but the presence of Protestantism had a profound effect upon religious culture and political life. The theory and practice of urban authority and governance were deeply affected, while the relationship between and the city and the crown was strained. In this chapter, the process and

in Authority and society in Nantes during the French wars of religion, 1559–98
S. Karly Kehoe

with the state to improve educational standards.64 He believed firmly in having properly trained teachers and collaborated with religious congregations and clerics to establish three Catholic teacher training colleges: St Mary’s training college for men run by the Brothers of Christian Instruction in Hammersmith (1850); Mount Pleasant college for women run by the Sisters of Notre Dame de Namur in Liverpool (1855); and Sacred Heart, a female college run by the Sisters of the Society of the Sacred Heart in Wandsworth (1874). These colleges were a direct attempt to

in Creating a Scottish Church
The biblical identity politics of the Demerara Slave Rebellion
John Coffey

A rich variety of other materials illuminate the religious culture of Bethel Chapel – missionary correspondence, LMS reports, the church's hymn book, colonial records, newspapers and eyewitness accounts of the rebellion. This chapter will mine the sources to reconstruct the biblical identity politics of Bethel Chapel and its insurgents. The first section will analyse how John Smith employed the Bible to forge a new identity for his congregation. Section two will turn to the more difficult task of piecing together fragmentary evidence of an

in Chosen peoples
Abstract only
Alec Ryrie

Protestant rebels, styling themselves ‘the Congregation’, quickly managed to secure either active or tacit support from most of Scotland’s political class. The religious issue was at the rebellion’s heart, and was the priority for most of its key leaders, to a greater extent than some recent historians have allowed. However, Mary of Guise’s clumsy military response to it, and the perceived tyranny of her French troops, also helped to mobilise Scottish opinion in favour of the rebels. Only now did the latent suspicion of France come to the fore. By contrast, the new

in The origins of the Scottish Reformation
A typology
Benjamin J. Elton

Chapter 3 Jewish religious responses to modernity: a typology HIS BOOK ARGUES that the Chief Rabbis’ response to modernity should be viewed in the context of Jewish religious responses that emerged following the Enlightenment and Emancipation, some of which I have already mentioned. I will sketch out a possible typology of those responses, so that we can place the Chief Rabbis in that context. This typology does not presume to be a final scheme, nor does it seek to deny the massive variety of responses, many of which it does not include explicitly. It merely

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970
David J. Appleby

response to Anglican preachers who regularly rebuked Presbyterians by name, the farewell sermons tended to allude to the failings of their opponents within the Church by referring obliquely to crypto-papists, Arminians, misguided dupes or worldly hypocrites going through the motions of religious ritual. Ralph Venning opined that it was not only manly, but the defining mark of a Christian to hold to the true doctrine ‘which doth distinguish a true Christian from a Hypocrite and a Counterfeit’.98 Richard Baxter, like many Bartholomeans, exhorted his congregation not to

in Black Bartholomew’s Day