’ rather than democratic. The vision of political order emerging in the New World very much grew out of the changing nature of church governance. The Puritans had promoted a model of individual congregations made up of committed believers who vested authority in elected elders and pastors. These churches were in turn united by common professions of faith but lacked any formal over-arching authority. For the early fathers of the American nation, the whole conception of America was rooted in a religious rhetoric that compared their voyage across the Atlantic to the Exodus
authoritarianism – the acceptance of a wider range of sexual difference, with the focus here on homosexuality, and the growth of religious free markets. The latter subject is particularly interesting because the ability to accept pluralism in ‘one’s own backyard’ is often a particularly good test of democratic commitment. In the third section we look for more positive ways in which Orthodoxy may be able to contribute to democratisation, looking at its role in civil society-building in Russia and the experience of minority Orthodox communities in the USA. Our conclusion draws
We have already discussed the role of Protestantism in facilitating the emergence of democratic ideas and practices, but most of this discussion focused on its role in the period from the Reformation until the mid-nineteenth century. After that, the gradual rise of religious pluralism in North America and much of Europe, alongside the fragmented nature of Protestantism as a religious tradition, meant that its political consequences were sometimes downplayed, especially during the ‘third wave’ which occurred primarily in Catholic
coronation service and the Duke of Norfolk, a Roman
Catholic, in organising the ceremonies.
Shils and Young’s argument has been subject to considerable criticism for
overemphasising the consensual character of a complex industrial society and
for difficulties in assessing the theoretical proposition of a fundamental consensus in a society both in general terms and, more specifically, in relation to
such a collective event as the coronation. Birnbaum (1955) in a profound early
critique suggested that the argument uncritically accepted the official political
violence that, in Algeria, forged a generation of nationalist elites who thereby felt themselves to be the lifetime “owners” of the destiny of the entire nation. Finally, neither oil nor gas enabled the governing classes in Tunisia or Morocco to neglect the construction of all and any alternative agricultural or manufacturing sectors. Nor could they indulge the temptation to pour their industrial mistakes into the concrete of an illusory financial prosperity. With respect to the question of the part played by their respective leaders in the religious field, however
in the Republic’.5 I have tried to
examine the numerous occasions when the war produced popular mobilization
across the southern state, when thousands of people were motivated to march,
strike or protest at events in Northern Ireland. The conflict divided trade union
branches, county council meetings, sporting events and religiouscongregations.
Rival views produced intense and long-lasting fissures. Most dramatically, almost
100 people were killed and hundreds more injured as a result of the violence.
Millions were spent on state security and armed soldiers became
such a development is interesting
from an Irish perspective:
One understanding of secularity then is in terms of public spaces. These
have been allegedly emptied of God, or any reference to ultimate reality. Or,
taken from another side, as we function within various spheres of activity –
economic, political, cultural, educational, professional, recreational – the
norms and principles we follow, the deliberations we engage in, generally
don’t refer us to God or to any religious beliefs; the considerations we act on
are internal to the ‘rationality’ of each sphere
(1760–1831) was the most inﬂuential black leader in Early American
Philadelphia, which had by far the largest free black population in the United States.
Ordained a Methodist minister, he split with the church in 1816 to found the African
Methodist Episcopal Church, the oldest black religiouscongregation in America,
which still has over four million members. Richard Newman, Freedom’s Prophet: Bishop
Richard Allen, the AME Church, and the Black Founding Fathers (New York: New York
University Press, 2008).
46 Walker, Walker’s Appeal, p. 65.
47 William Lloyd Garrison
the UK regularly from 1978. Saidee not only opposed the Bangladesh
movement in 1971, but also actively supported the Pakistani occupation
forces. During his previous visits, Saidee spoke at gatherings described
as religiouscongregations and raised funds for unspecified activities.
These congregations, called waz mahfils were attended by hundreds
of Bengalis. Although many expressed concern that his messages were
provocative, there was no public outcry to bar him from public speaking
in Britain until the summer of 2006. As the protest from within the
of accepting and processing asylum seekers, due in no small part to the system of Direct Provision. Integration strategies and engagements have also been piecemeal at best, with, until recently, little examination on how such processes are shaping and have been shaped by those seeking asylum in the Republic of Ireland. 11
Northern Ireland: a white ethno-religious place, worlds apart?
The focus of our research on asylum seekers and refugees was on their everyday experience of Northern Ireland, and so the topic of