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The external image of Germany’s foreign policy

civilian powers ’, Foreign Affairs , 69 : 5 ( 1990 ), pp. 91 – 106 ; H. W. Maull , ‘ From “civilian power” to “trading state”? ’, in S. Colvin (ed.), Routledge Handbook of German Politics and Culture ( London : Routledge , 2014 ), pp. 409 – 24 . 3 P. H. Gordon , ‘ Berlin’s difficulties: the normalization of German foreign policy ’, Orbis , 38 : 2 ( 1994 ), pp. 225 – 43 , at p. 225 . 4 K. Brummer and K. Oppermann , Germany’s Foreign Policy after the End of the Cold War: ‘Becoming Normal’? ( Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2016 ). 5

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

in post-war history, the SPD closed ranks with ‘never again war’. In spite of strong anti-militarist sentiments among the rank and file, 26 R     however, the party leadership never subscribed to the full agenda of universal pacifism. Until 1983 when the Green Party broke into the Bundestag, ‘never again war’ thus found expression in extra-parliamentarian protest movements. Starting with the massive anti-rearmament demonstrations of the early 1950s, these movements became a recurrent phenomenon of post-war German political life

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
The Weimar Republic in the eyes of American political science

started arriving in the 1930s, America was hardly a blank slate as far as Germany was concerned. The new arrivals had to contend with existing perceptions of German political thought and institutions. This chapter will explore the lively interest American political science showed in the Weimar Republic and its Constitution. Perceptions and commentary on Weimar were framed in terms of historical continuity, comparison with the post-bellum US and larger questions about the nature of sovereignty during the interwar period. Positive American views of Germany, as explored

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks

German police system’.23 However, once again no action ensued – and indeed more rigorous surveillance would have run counter to the policies of government, particularly after Neville Chamberlain became Prime Minister in 1937, pursuing a policy of ‘appeasement’ of the Axis powers. The case of Hans Wesemann In fact, the ‘Auslandsorganisation’ and visiting journalists did not represent the only possible channels for German espionage on British soil; this could be achieved through refugee circles as well. The confusion prevailing in the ranks of the German political exiles

in A matter of intelligence
Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

World War.1 A majority on the left, however, remained opposed to any expansion of Germany’s military role. Even after the Constitutional Court in 1994 ruled outof-area deployments constitutional, German politics remained split on the issue and the out-of-area battle was to continue throughout the second half of the 1990s. Phase two: reinterpreting the lessons of the past In the battle’s second phase, the focus and fault line moved. The lessons of the past became the paramount topics and the dividing line no longer ran between the centre right and the left but through

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
Open Access (free)

of its relationship to an earlier Germany, and reflected too on Henry Simon’s connection to German politics and culture, there is a certain strangeness – but also satisfaction – in contemplating a belated and renewed connection to that country. It is also, perhaps, an appropriate way to end a story about travel, exile and belonging. Postscript [ 243 ] [ 244 ] Austerity baby

in Austerity baby
Open Access (free)
‘Deutschland den Deutschen!’

organisation that is officially registered as right-wing extremist by the German State. For an overview of these organisations and the ‘official’ number of organised right-wing extremists, see the annual Verfassungsschutzberichten (further VSB). chap2 28/5/02 13.31 28 Page 28 Germany the sore spot of German politics of that time: the Grand Coalition. This government coalition of the two major parties, the Union block of the CDU and the Bavarian Christlich-Soziale Union (Christian Social Union, CSU) and the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (German Social

in The ideology of the extreme right
Reinterpreting the lessons of the past
Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

appeared to deliberately target civilians, and a humanitarian catastrophe accompanied by a massive exodus of refugees from Kosovo seemed to be looming. The immediate instinctive reaction across the German political spectrum was: ‘not a second Bosnia!’34 United by frustration and the feeling that too little had been done to prevent previous Balkan atrocities, the outgoing CDU/FDP government and the incoming SPD/Green Government joined forces in pledging for the Bundestag’s approval of a German contribution to potential NATO air strikes.35 Politicians from the CDU on the

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement

sinister role in the suicides of Dr Dora Fabian and Frau Wurm at 12, Great Ormond Street on 1.4.1935’. The report, which was also informed by the confessions that Wesemann had made to the Swiss police about his relations with the German Embassy in London, noted that, through the Embassy, Wesemann ‘was working for a secret department of the German police which is exclusively concerned in watching German political refugees abroad, luring the most dangerous back to Germany or taking other steps to render them innocuous’.30 It noted further that, after the Fabian–Wurm deaths

in A matter of intelligence
The changing view of Germany in Anglo-American geopolitics

schemes’ that bore no relation to learning. 36 This exchange might give the sense that Bowman and German political geographers were in close academic contact, but actually it took place at a distance. Although Bowman worked throughout the decade and a half after the 1919 peace to integrate German geography, the 1920s boycott of Germany by the leading geographers of Allied countries in the International Geographical Congress (IGC), and the following Nazi boycott of the 1934 Warsaw meeting of the IGC, meant that in the area of political geography, intellectual

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks