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Nicola Negri and Chiara Saraceno

8  Nicola Negri and Chiara Saraceno The Mediterranean welfare states between recalibration and change in the cultural paradigm Whether there is a specific Mediterranean welfare regime is an open debate. There is, however, consensus on the existence of what is known as a ‘Mediterranean welfare-state syndrome’ shared by all four southern European countries: Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal. In this chapter, after having synthetically recalled the main features of this syndrome, we will describe how, and within which economic, cultural and political constraints

in Western capitalism in transition
Open Access (free)
Burying the victims of Europe’s border in a Tunisian coastal town
Valentina Zagaria

The Mediterranean Sea has recently become the deadliest of borders for illegalised travellers. The victims of the European Union’s liquid border are also found near North African shores. The question of how and where to bury these unknown persons has recently come to the fore in Zarzis, a coastal town in south-east Tunisia. Everyone involved in these burials – the coastguards, doctors, Red Crescent volunteers, municipality employees – agree that what they are doing is ‘wrong’. It is neither dignified nor respectful to the dead, as the land used as a cemetery is an old waste dump, and customary attitudes towards the dead are difficult to realise. This article will first trace how this situation developed, despite the psychological discomfort of all those affected. It will then explore how the work of care and dignity emerges within this institutional chain, and what this may tell us about what constitutes the concept of the human.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse
Juliano Fiori

Introduction London, 10 September 2018 Since 2015, more than one and a half million people have traversed the Mediterranean, seeking asylum in Europe. The EU has been negotiating their screening and resettlement outside of Europe. European governments have closed some ports and borders to them. And neofascist groups from across Europe have rallied on the ground and online to prevent their entry. Thousands have died at sea. Multinational NGOs like Médecins Sans Frontières and Save the Children have carried out search-and-rescue missions. But it is

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
David Rieff

is not in Sri Lanka, or even Syria or Afghanistan, but in the NGO response to the migration crisis in Greece and in the Mediterranean. For here, whether they like it or not, when they rescue people at sea who are trying to get to Europe, relief NGOs are involved not just in caritative work, whose deontology is relatively straightforward ethically; here, they are important actors in a profound political struggle, whose outcome, along with the response or non-response to climate change, is likely to define the next half century. It is a commonplace to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, on the impact on Palestinian refugees of US budget cuts under Donald Trump; José Luis Fiori, on the new security strategy of the US and the disavowal of liberal internationalism; David Rieff, on the legitimacy of humanitarian agencies in a changing political landscape; Mel Bunce, on humanitarian communications and ‘fake news’; Celso Amorim, on transformations in global governance and the influence of Southern states; Caroline Abu Sa’Da, on search and rescue operations in the Mediterranean; and Olivia Umurerwa Rutazibwa, on

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Mel Bunce

SouthSudanNation.com, stated that a general was planning to ‘massacre Equatorians’. The story spread through WhatsApp, YouTube and Facebook as well as offline networks, and was used ‘to mobilize others to take up arms to counter the “attack”’ ( Reeves, 2017 ; see also Lynch, 2017 ). Finally, false news has made it more difficult for relief organisations to operate. Organisations working with migrants in the Mediterranean, for example, have been targeted in fake-news attacks ( Magee, 2018 ). Sean Ryan, Director of Media at Save the Children, describes

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
Tom Scott-Smith

’ ( Hartley, 2016 ) and the proposal to reclaim a ‘refugee island’ from the Mediterranean Sea ( Taylor, 2016 ). These designs have been widely circulated through social media and promoted by architectural newsletters, such as Dezeen and Arch-Daily , with large events such as the 2016 Venice Biennale adding a range of even more ambitious designs to the mix (see also Aquilino, 2011 ; Charlesworth, 2014 ; Meinhold, 2013 ; Sinclair and Stohr, 2006 ). Faced by this stream of ideas and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

This book presents histories and chronicles written by the Normans themselves, or written by those whom they conquered, or written by contemporaries elsewhere in Europe who observed their actions from afar. It covers the process of assimilation and amalgamation between Scandinavians and Franks and the emergence of Normandy. The swift association of the Scandinavian counts of Rouen with their Frankish noble neighbours is indicative of their wish to settle and root in western France. The book illustrates the internal organisation of the principality with a variety of source material from chronicles, miracle stories and charters. The Normans had a turbulent relationship with the English kingdom. This country had been regularly attacked by vikings, who had settled in the east in an area known as the Danelaw. The book then presents material from the main chronicle sources for the history of the Norman invasion and settlement, supplemented with some poetry. It explains Normans' careers particularly well in Italy, and to a lesser extent in Byzantium, Spain and the Holy Land. From Normandy they set out later to conquer southern Italy and the greater part of Britain and some established themselves elsewhere in Europe. The book concerns the debate about to what extent the Norman expansion into the Mediterranean was part of an exclusively Norman experience.

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Liminal lives in the early modern Mediterranean

This book explores how Muslims, Christians and Jews interacted in frontier zones of the early modern Mediterranean (primarily 1530–1670), and how they developed a frontier consciousness that took into account how their interlocutors thought and acted. Sources used include the gamut of genres ranging from factual to fictive, from inquisitional records and different sorts of treatises to plays, novels and (auto)biographies, in numerous languages of the Mediterranean. The Muslim-Christian divide in the Mediterranean produced an unusual kind of slavery, fostered a surge in conversion to Islam, offered an ideal setting for Catholic martyrdom in its rivalry with Protestantism, and provided a haven of sorts for Spanish Muslims (Moriscos) as well as Jews. The book argues that identities and alterities were multiple and versatile, that there was no war between Christianity and Islam during the early modern period, that ‘popular religion’ prevailed over theological principles, that women experienced slavery and religious conversion differently from men, that commerce prevailed over ideology and dogma, and that ‘positive’ human relations among people of different categories were not only possible but inevitable despite prevailing hostile conditions. In the spirit of Braudel, who asserts that ‘the Mediterranean speaks with many voices; it is a sum of individual histories’, this book endeavours to allow the people of the early modern Mediterranean to be heard more than one can find in any other study till now, and strives to cast all its major themes in a new light.

Author: Roger Forshaw

This volume discusses the history, culture and social conditions of one of the less well-known periods of ancient Egypt, the Saite or 26th Dynasty (664–525 BC). In the 660s BC Egypt was a politically fragmented and occupied country. This is an account of how Psamtek I, a local ruler from Sais in northern Egypt, declared independence from its overlord, the Assyrian Empire, and within ten years brought about the reunification of the country after almost four hundred years of disunity and periods of foreign domination. Over the next century and a half, the Saite rulers were able to achieve stability and preserve Egypt’s independence as a sovereign state against powerful foreign adversaries. Central government was established, a complex financial administration was developed and Egypt’s military forces were reorganised. The Saites successfully promoted foreign trade, peoples from different countries settled in Egypt and Egypt recovered a prominent role in the Mediterranean world. There were innovations in culture, religion and technology, and Egypt became prosperous. This era was a high-achieving one and is often neglected in the literature devoted to ancient Egypt. Egypt of the Saite Pharaohs, 664–525 BC reveals the dynamic nature of the period, the astuteness of the Saite rulers and their considerable achievements in the political, economic, administrative and cultural spheres.