in a statewide strategic plan: Bracks’s aim was to create a more ‘vibrant
democracy’ in Victoria (Department of Premier and Cabinet 2005,
The Bracks minority government surprisingly took office in November
1999, having not been expected to defeat Jeff Kennett’s Liberal
government. Kennett had governed Victoria from 1992 to 1999 and
dominated Victorianpolitics during this period, his government gaining
a reputation as one of the most ‘actively reformist’ state governments
by pursuing a vigorous neoliberal agenda. When Kennett took office
in 1992, his
service, with VEESAC attempting initially to challenge public sector
performance in meeting the broad GVT goals. This was met with resistance. The council only had credibility with the Department of Premier
and Cabinet and for as long as Bracks chaired the main board meetings.
A noteworthy experiment in governance (a defining characteristic of the
NSD), VEESAC was a powerful symbol of an attempt to build a more
inclusive era in Victorianpolitics. Yet, for all its symbolic value, it is
interesting to note how relatively quickly VEESAC was dissolved.
Common (London: Merlin, 1991).
62 The Junta was the name given by Sidney and Beatrice Webb to the salaried trade union
secretaries in mid-Victorianpolitics based in London. This influential group included
William Allen (Engineers), Robert Applegarth (Carpenters), Danile Guilde (Iron
founders), Edwin Coulson (Bricklayers) and George Odger (London Trades Council).
knowledge under difficulties’. He was impatient with those who would
leap over the exacting sacrifices of self-help and instead make demands
the ways the Irish and Irishness have been represented abroad emerges in
studies concerned with the depiction of the Irish in cartoons or the
press, with the divergent emphases and interpretations of the authors
resulting in competing interpretations. L. Perry Curtis, for instance,
focused on the representation of the Irish, mainly through a study of
Irish faces in Victorianpolitical cartoons
representation of Britain’s slave-trading and
slave-trade-suppressing past. By focusing almost exclusively on the
slave-trading activities of Britain in the eighteenth century,
rather than the complex Victorianpolitics of nineteenth-century
anti-slavery, a number of important issues are left unconsidered.
For example, the problem of why, and to what extent, many Britons
” and Victorianpolitical parties, 1830 – 80’,
English Historical Review, civ (1989), 638–69; J. Parry, The rise and fall of Liberal government in Victorian Britain (1993), 7–10.
19 T. E. May, ‘The imperial parliament’ in Knight’s store of knowledge for all readers
(1841), 101; W. Bagehot, The English constitution  (Oxford, 2001), 104. On the
imperial parliament over-ruling colonial legislatures, see: R. L. Schuyler, Parliament
and the British empire: some constitutional controversies concerning imperial legislative
jurisdiction (Columbia, NY, 1929), ch. 4 and
in 1859 of Samuel Smiles’
Self Help, modern edition P. W. Sinnema, ed., (Oxford: Oxford University
31 S. Collini, ‘The Idea of Character in VictorianPolitical Thought’, in Transactions
of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, 35 (1908), pp. 29–50.
32 Holyoake, Jubilee History, Derby, p. 33.
33 G. J. Holyoake, Sixty Years of an Agitator’s Life, 2 vols in 1 (London: T. Fisher
Unwin, 1906), vol. 2, p. 181.
34 McCabe, Life and Letters, vol. 2, p. 164.
35 Holyoake, Self-Help by the People, p. 135.
36 Ibid., pp. 135, 113.
37 Holyoake, Co
was clearly crucial to that non-verbal discourse, both in terms of how politicians conceptualised themselves and in how they went about making their
appeals. They conceptualised themselves as performers, deliberately seeking
character types and roles for themselves, often on class lines. The case study
has thus demonstrated the use of performance as a particularly useful analytical
category. Ultimately, discourses of class were inextricably linked to turn of
the twentieth-century performance cultures. Thus, we should neither ‘de-class’
late Victorianpolitics, nor
, Pictorial, and Dramatic Arts in
Victorian Britain. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Miller, E. (2013). Slow Print: Literary Radicalism and Late Victorian Print
Culture. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Morrison, A. (1896). A Child of the Jago. London: Methuen.
Ó Donghaile, D. (2011). Blasted Literature: VictorianPolitical Fiction and the
Shock of the Modern. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Otter, C. (2008). The Victorian Eye: A Political History of Light and Vision in
Britain, 1800–1910. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Picker, J. (2003
institutions.70 The longer legacy
of all these party conflicts and radical challenges nevertheless was the
continued vitality of local governmental institutions at the heart of
Chase, ‘“Labour’s candidates”’, 79.
Fraser, Urban Politics, pp. 257–8.