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Rob Manwaring

, culminating in a statewide strategic plan: Bracks’s aim was to create a more ‘vibrant democracy’ in Victoria (Department of Premier and Cabinet 2005, p. 20). The Bracks minority government surprisingly took office in November 1999, having not been expected to defeat Jeff Kennett’s Liberal ­government. Kennett had governed Victoria from 1992 to 1999 and dominated Victorian politics during this period, his government gaining a reputation as one of the most ‘actively reformist’ state governments by pursuing a vigorous neoliberal agenda. When Kennett took office in 1992, his

in The search for democratic renewal
Rob Manwaring

service, with VEESAC attempting initially to challenge public sector performance in meeting the broad GVT goals. This was met with resistance. The council only had credibility with the Department of Premier and Cabinet and for as long as Bracks chaired the main board meetings. A noteworthy experiment in governance (a defining characteristic of the NSD), VEESAC was a powerful symbol of an attempt to build a more inclusive era in Victorian politics. Yet, for all its symbolic value, it is interesting to note how relatively quickly VEESAC was dissolved. Indicators of

in The search for democratic renewal
Malcolm Chase

Common (London: Merlin, 1991). 62 The Junta was the name given by Sidney and Beatrice Webb to the salaried trade union secretaries in mid-Victorian politics based in London. This influential group included William Allen (Engineers), Robert Applegarth (Carpenters), Danile Guilde (Iron­ founders), Edwin Coulson (Bricklayers) and George Odger (London Trades Council). Wrigley.indb 29 08/03/2017 17:45:35 30 Malcolm Chase knowledge under difficulties’. He was impatient with those who would leap over the exacting sacrifices of self-help and instead make demands for

in Labour and working-class lives
Angela McCarthy

consideration of the ways the Irish and Irishness have been represented abroad emerges in studies concerned with the depiction of the Irish in cartoons or the press, with the divergent emphases and interpretations of the authors resulting in competing interpretations. L. Perry Curtis, for instance, focused on the representation of the Irish, mainly through a study of Irish faces in Victorian political cartoons

in Scottishness and Irishness in New Zealand since 1840
Richard Huzzey and John McAleer

representation of Britain’s slave-trading and slave-trade-suppressing past. By focusing almost exclusively on the slave-trading activities of Britain in the eighteenth century, rather than the complex Victorian politics of nineteenth-century anti-slavery, a number of important issues are left unconsidered. For example, the problem of why, and to what extent, many Britons saw slave

in The suppression of the Atlantic slave trade
Miles Taylor

” and Victorian political parties, 1830 – 80’, English Historical Review, civ (1989), 638–69; J. Parry, The rise and fall of Liberal government in Victorian Britain (1993), 7–10. 19 T. E. May, ‘The imperial parliament’ in Knight’s store of knowledge for all readers (1841), 101; W. Bagehot, The English constitution [1867] (Oxford, 2001), 104. On the imperial parliament over-ruling colonial legislatures, see: R. L. Schuyler, Parliament and the British empire: some constitutional controversies concerning imperial legislative jurisdiction (Columbia, NY, 1929), ch. 4 and

in Parliaments, nations and identities in Britain and Ireland, 1660–1850
A resource for a journey of hope?
Stephen Yeo

in 1859 of Samuel Smiles’ Self Help,  modern edition P. W. Sinnema, ed., (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). 31 S. Collini, ‘The Idea of Character in Victorian Political Thought’, in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, 35 (1908), pp. 29–50. 32 Holyoake, Jubilee History, Derby, p. 33. 33 G. J. Holyoake, Sixty Years of an Agitator’s Life, 2 vols in 1 (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1906), vol. 2, p. 181. 34 McCabe, Life and Letters, vol. 2, p. 164. 35 Holyoake, Self-Help by the People, p. 135. 36 Ibid., pp. 135, 113. 37 Holyoake, Co

in Mainstreaming co-operation
The political campaigns of early labour leader
Marcus Morris

was clearly crucial to that non-verbal discourse, both in terms of how politicians conceptualised themselves and in how they went about making their appeals. They conceptualised themselves as performers, deliberately seeking character types and roles for themselves, often on class lines. The case study has thus demonstrated the use of performance as a particularly useful analytical category. Ultimately, discourses of class were inextricably linked to turn of the twentieth-century performance cultures. Thus, we should neither ‘de-class’ late Victorian politics, nor

in Politics, performance and popular culture
Ruth Livesey

, Pictorial, and Dramatic Arts in Victorian Britain. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Miller, E. (2013). Slow Print: Literary Radicalism and Late Victorian Print Culture. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Morrison, A. (1896). A Child of the Jago. London: Methuen. Ó Donghaile, D. (2011). Blasted Literature: Victorian Political Fiction and the Shock of the Modern. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Otter, C. (2008). The Victorian Eye: A Political History of Light and Vision in Britain, 1800–1910. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Picker, J. (2003

in Margaret Harkness
Katrina Navickas

institutions.70 The longer legacy of all these party conflicts and radical challenges nevertheless was the continued vitality of local governmental institutions at the heart of Victorian politics. Chase, ‘“Labour’s candidates”’, 79. Fraser, Urban Politics, pp. 257–8. 69 70

in Protest and the politics of space and place, 1789–1848