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constitution of society on the other, are the end points of a relationship lying implied and mostly undeveloped in Gewirth’s own work. More remains to be elucidated about the theoretical relationships between those institutions and the underlying fundamental values from which they are claimed to flow. The intermediating institutions and relationships linking micro and macro, and morals and politics, need to be deduced and fleshed out. This chapter aims to show how and where citizenship fits into an account of the relationship between morality and politics. The argument will

in Supranational Citizenship
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Conclusion Is there a theoretically grounded conception of EU citizenship to be had, and, if so, what would be its implications vis-à-vis the current European Union? In today’s world of complex rule-making interdependence the prospects for democratically authoritative decision-making beyond state contexts depend on the sorts of responses we can come up with to these kinds of questions. Pressing the concept of citizenship very hard will not help us to do so, and neither will reliance on the models and assumptions of yesteryear. This book tried to answer that

in Supranational Citizenship
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Arnold White and the parochial view of imperial citizenship

the nation’s health and efficiency – terms which frequently occur in White’s editorials – and to promote patriotism and loyalty applied equally to both England and the Empire. His notion of imperial citizenship was thus the same as his notion of domestic citizenship. He gave little thought to the richly varied nature of the imperium, which is to say that he advanced a parochial

in Imperial citizenship
Thomas Sedgwick and imperial emigration

, should come through British emigration. This would have the added benefit of relieving domestic population pressures without contributing to the economic growth of Britain’s competitors on the global stage. The Prince concludes by invoking citizenship, noting that British emigrants would benefit by moving to the Empire, as opposed to foreign nations. The idea of channelling

in Imperial citizenship
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Imperial citizenship as a prelude to world government

of public relations before that ‘calling’ had crystallized into a profession. 5 Curtis saw Empire as mankind’s best hope of fostering and preserving peace, a goal he believed could be pursued through the means of imperial citizenship. Though this position strikes modern ears as naive, and not a little pretentious, it was consistent with the normative view of politics and the

in Imperial citizenship

an understanding of imperial citizenship in cosmopolitan and cooperative terms. While Buchan shared the organic impetus of Curtis’s thought, he did not share his peer’s desire to locate imperial citizenship within broader debates concerning imperial organization. Buchan was more interested in fostering the shared Britannic identity he believed must necessarily underpin any

in Imperial citizenship

9 Mutual recognition in the supranational polity In earlier chapters it was argued that citizenship, being an institutional role, is not reducible to nor incorporates as a component the social relations between persons, and that these must be conceptually and theoretically distinguished from it. However, social relations are not irrelevant to citizenship. This chapter examines what relations must obtain between the inhabitants of the EU as agents or as natural persons, if these interpersonal relationships are to be adequate for political agency and thus

in Supranational Citizenship
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Constituting authority

6 Nexus, framework: constituting authority To see how a justifiable political framework must be constituted by citizenship, we start with Gewirth’s premise that basic levels of social and political organisation are a fundamental and compelling moral imperative. In this he draws on the Kantian view that the state of nature is not an acceptable option for human beings, since its ever-present apprehension of violence displaces all possibility of leading a tolerable life.1 Without already supposing all the specific apparatus of law, the state, and so on we can see

in Supranational Citizenship
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Action and agency

SUPRANATIONAL CITIZENSHIP that Gewirth calls basic, nonsubtractive, and additive. By ‘goods’ Gewirth means capacities or capabilities for further purpose-fulfilment, rather than material objects that one attains for once and for all, and in this way Gewirth’s theory is dynamic – the stakes for the agent are not tangible chattels, but are rather her present and future opportunities to form, to pursue, and to attain the objects of purposes. The category ‘basic goods’ refers to the minimal necessary conditions of action and their means – life, physical integrity, mental

in Supranational Citizenship

7 Agency, authorisation, and representation in the EU One of the core questions of EU citizenship is whether it can be substantive and not merely formal. For it to be so it must be capable of embodying political agency, and that means that the supranational institutional framework that it constitutes in theory must be capable of demonstrating dependence on agency in actuality. In the EU these matters are often anything but limpid, but we will maintain our bearings by never losing sight of the crucial distinction between authority and power. This chapter does not

in Supranational Citizenship