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Steven Fielding

4 Reconciling the classes Many contemporaries were convinced that by the 1960s class barriers had been at least attenuated compared with the 1930s. The children of manual workers were believed to be better able to enter the middle class; and it was thought that many of those remaining on the factory floor were adopting bourgeois ways. Labour members appeared more divided over this issue than they actually were. While the left considered ‘affluence’ made only a modest impact on the social structure and revisionists thought its influence profound, few denied

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
Jane Martin

5 Education and class struggle She advocated for those she represented, the popular control of all schools, non-provided as well as provided; and urged that the schools – elementary, secondary and technical – should be free to all; and that no child should receive education that was in need of food first. As to secular education, she pleaded for this in the interest of justice and expediency. There should be no favour to any one Church in this matter. As to the Bible itself, she would retain that in the schools, side by side with other standard works of

in Making socialists
Lynsey Black

Overwhelmingly, the women prosecuted for murder were rural women of the labouring classes. They came from families without land of their own, who were hired to work in the houses or on the land of others, or families who worked their own modest holdings. Most of the women were economically and socially marginalised. This identity not only shaped the contours of their lives, it also played a role in the killings for which they stood accused, and in the criminal justice responses they faced. In this chapter, I

in Gender and punishment in Ireland
Essays to celebrate the life and work of Chris Wrigley

This book reflects upon the wide range of Chris Wrigley's research and publications in the study of the various aspects of British labour history. It presents a set of themes revolving around the British labour movement and the lives of those connected with it. The book begins with a discussion on biography in the shape of George Howell's work on trade unions and presents Herbert Gladstone's view that the unions emerged from the medieval workers guilds. Chris was also interested in political figures connected with progressivism and the labour movement, which is reflected in the examination of Gladstone's role in the Liberal Party. There is an examination of the Co-operative Party in the north-east of England, the 1911 National Insurance Act, and the relationship between the unions and the Labour Party. The inter-war British labour politics is covered by the disaffiliation of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) from the Labour Party and by a study of the Progressive League. British and German working class lives are compared in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Female trade unionism is dealt with a focus on Association of Women Clerks and Secretaries (AWCS). The contribution of the Lansburys is brought by an essay on the role of the family members in working-class politics, including women's enfranchisement. The book also deals with the attempt by the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) to engage with punk music, and ends with a discussion on the theme of Labour disunity.

Social rank, imperial identity, and South Asians in Britain 1858–1914

This book focuses on the role of class in the encounter between South Asians and British institutions in the United Kingdom at the height of British imperialism. The leaders of Britain's cricketing institutions recognised the validity of ranks in an Indian social hierarchy which they attempted to translate into British equivalents. Achievement of Kumar Shri Ranjitsinjhi, one of the greatest cricketers of all time was truly an imperial one, combining the cultures and societies of India and Britain to propel him to a prominence that he would not otherwise have attained. The most important government institution to interact with Indians in Britain was the India Office. The National Indian Association was the most popular forum for interaction among Indians in Britain and Britons interested in India. The London City Mission and the Strangers' Home for Asiatics were the prominent inner-city missions to reach out to Indians in London. The book explores the extent to which British institutions treated Indians as British subjects, sharing a common legal and imperial identity with the inhabitants of the British Isles. It identifies patterns of compassion among Britain's elite when interacting with needy Indians in the United Kingdom, and establishes the central role of education in the civilising mission, particularly through scholarships to study in Britain. The book focuses on the ambiguous responses of British institutions to Indian students in the United Kingdom, ranging from accommodation of Indian culture to acquiescence in British bigotry.

The flesh and blood of self-emancipation
Nina Power

7 Thompson’s concept of class: the flesh and blood of self-emancipation Nina Power Few writers have ever done as much to place the lived experience of the working class at the forefront of their work. Thompson is justly renowned for his celebration of ordinary men and women and his vivid portrayal of struggle across the ages. It may seem paradoxical, then, to try to extract something like a ‘concept’ or a ‘theory’ of class from Thompson’s work, especially bearing in mind the arguments he makes against Althusser and Althusserianism in The Poverty of Theory

in E. P. Thompson and English radicalism
Jonathan Pattenden

6 Social policy and class relations: the case of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme The National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) is a universal rights-based programme, and as such it is argued here that it provides possibilities for classes of labour to challenge existing distributions of power within local government institutions (LGIs), and even to modify class relations in their favour. In operation since 2006, NREGS guarantees 100 days of employment on government-funded works for every household in rural India. It also entitles those

in Labour, state and society in rural India
Brian Elliott

The preceding chapter offered an initial analysis of populism as something not only consistent with but intrinsic to democratic culture. As I will argue in this chapter, the origins of democratic political culture reside in protracted working-class struggle in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The conception of class adopted here will be a relational one. As Ellen Meiksins Wood ( 2016 ) notes, there are, broadly speaking, two paradigms of analysis, according to which class is considered ‘as a structural location or as a social relation ’ ( 2016

in The roots of populism
Jonathan Pattenden

8 Organisations of labouring class women In contrast to the neoliberal civil society organisations (CSOs) of the previous chapter, the focus here is on an organisation of labouring class scheduled caste female agricultural labourers in the fieldwork district of Raichur (Karnataka). The organisation, the Jagruthi Mahela Sanghathan (JMS), is made up of around 550 labouring class  Madiga (scheduled caste) female labourers organised in thirty-five village-level associations (sanghas) in twenty-two villages across two sub-districts (Manvi and Sindhanur). The chapter

in Labour, state and society in rural India
Satnam Virdee
and
Brendan McGeever

The Britain that entered the 1990s had been transformed. The foundational pillars that had secured the terms of the democratic settlement were in a process of long-term disintegration. The empire was gone, and with it the economic basis for the inter-class truce described in this book. With the ascendency and then victory of neoliberalism in the 1970s and 1980s, the

in Britain in fragments