Andreas Antoniades

and state–society relations, the Continental model is associated with ‘neo-corporatism’ (or ‘societal’ and ‘liberal’ corporatism), and the Southern European model is associated with ‘state corporatism’ (or statism).6 Let us confine ourselves to the following characteristics of each category. Pluralist systems are typically associated with an individualistic social culture, and a clear separation between state and society (Cawson, 1978). Furthermore, the role of the state in these systems is confined to the arbitration of competition among the various societal groups

in Producing globalisation
Patrícia Alves de Matos

industry to prior approval – acquired through a complex bureaucratic system – from the central State. Condicionamento industrial did not remain unchanged throughout the regime, but it contributed significantly to a deficient industrialisation process shaped by strong State intervention according to the particular conjuncture of interests (Lucena 1976 ). Corporativismo (corporatism) is implemented through the non-democratic constitution of 1933. Its bases were inscribed in the Estatuto do Trabalho Nacional (National Labour Statute) of the same year. 4 Portuguese

in Disciplined agency
Joe Larragy

their objectives. When they did so, success depended to a considerable extent on shifts in the sentiment of the electorate. More concrete argumentation can be found in the ongoing debate among scholars with a specific focus on the phenomena of corporatism, industrial relations and political theory. Here the debate has explored the implications of the Pillar in more refined theoretical, historical and comparative terms, although still without any detailed account of the Pillar and its principal actors. In this debate there are shades of opinion but also some noteworthy

in Asymmetric engagement
Abstract only
Keith Hodgson

first-hand accounts from across the political spectrum, including the official publications of the fascist states themselves. Corporatism British socialists and communists recognised that Italian corporatism was located more in the realm of ideas than in reality. It had been widely reported that Giuseppe Volpe, the Italian finance minister, had stated in 1928 that ‘The Corporative State is on the horizon … an equal right to control the national Fascism and war economic system will be granted to all social classes.’94 Yet British leftists noted that only one

in Fighting fascism
Abstract only
Peter Triantafillou

1 Introduction Contemporary mutations of power in public administration and management Almost half a century ago, the political scientist Philippe Schmitter asked whether Western liberal democracies were still in the age of corporatism (Schmitter, 1974; see also Lembruch & Schmitter, 1982). His answer was affirmative, though he also foresaw that corporatism would probably not last into the twenty-first century due to a number of inbuilt political and social tensions. Today, most scholars seem more concerned with the question of whether we are still in the age of

in Neoliberal power and public management reforms
Abstract only
Bryan Fanning

in the economy, for example by controlling wage levels and promoting indigenous capital formation.10 Academic comparative analyses of the Celtic and East Asian tigers have identified much stronger state controls over the factors of production than were evident in the Irish case. During the 1980s the Irish state put in place a system of developmental corporatism or ‘social partnership’ that negotiated national development plans, and wage agreements with employers and trade unions fell considerably short of the degree of state control and co-ordination of economic

in Irish adventures in nation-building
Open Access (free)
Domestic change through European integration
Otmar Höll, Johannes Pollack and Sonja Puntscher-Riekmann

of the Maastricht Treaty. For the first time in the history of the Second Republic, labour representation was not involved from the outset, but only after they had expressed considerable protest against the new procedures. Yet extrapolating from this experience, a more general assumption about the end of Austrian corporatism might turn out to be an exaggeration. The most impressive change in Austrian institutions appears to relate to the party system. Yet, here again a cautionary tale has to be told in that the erosion of the two-party system owing to the growth of

in Fifteen into one?
Class polarisation and neo-liberalism in the Irish Republic
Kieran Allen

help European capitalism become more healthy, vibrant and competitive and prevent its decline into the cosy corporatism that so much of the European left used to espouse’.29 Key instruments for achieving this objective have been the transition to the single European market and the single currency. On one level, these were designed to stimulate the emergence of stronger EU companies that can compete more effectively on a global scale. But the moves to a single market and currency have also been accompanied by a shift to a greater adoption of neo-liberal economics. Far

in The end of Irish history?
Thomas Prosser

trend (Streeck, 1997 ), yet tripartite pacts which aimed to achieve greater competitiveness and/or the criteria for euro entry were particularly notable. These agreements involved wage restraint and were concluded in a series of European countries. Given differences with traditional corporatist agreements, pacts of earlier decades put greater emphasis on redistribution, the competitive character of later agreements was underlined; one study spoke of ‘competitive corporatism’ (Rhodes, 1998a ) while Streeck labelled the agreements ‘alliance[s]‌ between nationalism and

in European labour movements in crisis
The campaign for state reform, 1934
Chris Millington

child. In carrying out this service, they had demonstrated similar qualities necessary for the leadership of France: the veteran had shown selflessness and devotion to the nation, the father his ‘assured probity’ and ‘hard toil’. Both stood in opposition to those who had neglected their national duty, the self­interested politician and the individualistic childless man.73 The nation owed a debt to fathers and veterans.74 Corporatism informed the UNC’s plans for the state representation of families. Inspired by the work of René de La Tour du Pin and ­Social Catholics

in From victory to Vichy