Hollywood, Christians and the American Culture Wars
Karen Patricia Heath

love. ( 2004 ) The film was troublingly violent, and yet most decisively powerful for that very reason, for it might be used as a tool for evangelising and bringing the word of God to those who truly needed to wake up out of their lethargy and see the truth, i.e. that Jesus suffered and died on the cross for the sins of humanity. For two of the most popular Christian movie websites, Gibson’s Passion was remarkable not for its success in the face of Culture Wars controversies, but rather for its Christian message. There was little sense here that either Gibson or

in The Bible onscreen in the new millennium
John Anderson

. In such circumstances it was hardly surprising that the majority of church activists supported the Nationalist cause, and in the late 1930s church publications often depicted Franco’s army as fighting a religious crusade. 9 Many leading churchmen hoped that the Nationalist victory would not only see off the (as they saw it) communist inspired anti-clerical threat but that it would enable them to restore their privileged position within the country. The more idealistic hoped for a political context within which a new evangelisation of the country could take place

in Christianity and democratisation
Abstract only
David Hardiman

avoid any overlap, and it was considered reprehensible for one society to try to evangelise in the area of another. Each constituted a unit that can be described as a ‘little empire’, governed by missionaries located in a few strategic centres. The mission station provided a visual demonstration of Christian colonial values. There was the church, preferably built in stone in old English style, the hospital

in Missionaries and their medicine
Welsh Presbyterianism in Sylhet, Eastern Bengal, 1860–1940
Aled Jones

their landlord and in high excitement missionaries believed that an entire swathe of the Sylhet countryside was being successfully evangelised. ‘But, but’, John Roberts cautioned in 1908, they had not taken into account the social and economic complexities of conversion. Within a year, worried reports indicated that the landowner convert was losing interest in Christianity. He had been disappointed to

in Empire, migration and identity in the British world
John Anderson

cultural nationalism and opposition to sexual license and homosexuality – but also because the church leadership sought recognition and incorporation into elite circles. Yet whilst one can focus on church elites seeking upward social mobility, it also tied in with their core theological commitment to creating the best conditions for evangelisation and church growth, a goal that was placed well above commitments to human rights or particular political regimes. And when Mugabe’s policies led to an economic decline that affected their core constituency at the turn of the

in Christianity and democratisation
Brian Sudlow

for the emergence of this Catholic utopia is the success of Pius X’s policies, a fact which shocks the novel’s main protagonist, Monsignor Masterman, considerably: ‘But I thought Pius X simply ruined everything.’  ‘So they said at the time. His policy was to draw the lines tight and to make no concessions. He drove out every half-hearted Catholic by his regulations, and the result was a small but extraordinarily pure body. The result has been that the country was re-evangelised and has become a land of saints.’ 31

in Catholic literature and secularisation in France and England, 1880–1914
Abstract only
Michael Harrigan

Press, 1966), pp. 84–111. For one recent summary, see Patricia Gravatt, L’Église et l’esclavage (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2003). 47 ‘elle veut bien que d’un esclave on fasse un chrétien’, Jean Mongin [1637–98], Letter of May 1682 to unnamed gentleman from Languedoc, Carcassonne, Médiathèque de Carcassonne Agglo (MdC), MS 73, fol. 82r; letter reprinted in adapted form in L’Évangélisation des esclaves au XVIIe siècle, ed. by Marcel Chatillon, Bulletin de la Société d’Histoire de la Guadeloupe, 61–62 (1984), 73–125 (p. 76). 48 Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A

in Frontiers of servitude
Michael Harrigan

of Letter of May 1682, AJPF, Fonds Brotier, MS 185, fol. 18r; L’Évangélisation, p. 89. 55 Adrien-Augustin de Bussy de Lamet and Germain Fromageau, Le Dictionnaire des cas de conscience… (Paris: J.-B. Coignard and H.-L. Guerin, 1733); ‘les autorités respectables du Droit Naturel, de l’Écriture, et de la Tradition’, vol. 1, preface, p. i; vol. 1, entry esclaves (dated 15 April 1698 and signed G. Fromageau), pp. 1437–44. See also Jean Ehrard, Lumières et esclavage: l’esclavage colonial et l’opinion publique en France au XVIIIe siècle (Brussels: André Versaille, 2008

in Frontiers of servitude
Abstract only
Michael Harrigan

la barbarie et sauvagine’, Bouton, Relation, pp. 131–32. 8 Pagden, Lords of All the World, p. 147. 9 On planters’ French and their ‘habitude d’estropier la langue française’ see Labat, Nouveau Voyage, 1722, vol. 1, p. 280. 10 For an example in Mongin’s Journal of the telling of devotional tales on board (Mongin, Journal, MdC, MS 73, fol. 2v; Annales des Antilles, 10, pp. 38–39), see Harrigan, ‘A need to narrate’, p. 31. On the cabaret, and the devotion of illiterate colonists, see Mongin, Letter of 10 May 1679, BM, Fonds Chatillon, Ant MS 9, fols 29r, 30v; L’Évangélisation

in Frontiers of servitude
Helena Goodwyn

the evangelising impulse of the ‘gospel’ to insist upon institutional reform of the ‘social’ at a time of ‘intense, transnational traffic in reform ideas, policies, and legislative devices’ (Rodgers, 1998: 3). Rodgers identifies this period of Western moral and religious re-evaluation as beginning in 1870, coinciding with, or precipitating, the Second Industrial Revolution, and ending with the Second World War. Considering the implications of Harkness’s and Stead’s engagement with these discourses – the social gospel movement – provides a context for Harkness

in Margaret Harkness