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make-up before going on parade. The change of image worked: at Margaret’s next interview with the CO, the officer expressed her pleasure at the change and admitted Margaret permanently into the WRAC. While Margaret Cranch was struggling with the label of ‘tomboy’, another woman, Diana Chapman, was walking the streets of Chelsea in search of masculine women. Born in Bristol before the war, Diana had moved to London at the age of twenty-three to embark on her training in dentistry and was therefore the archetypal ‘bachelor girl’ of the period. Diana had read Radclyffe

in Tomboys and bachelor girls
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Relationships and the home

fare into articles on social problems were rewarded only by a prompt drop in sales’.5 This cultural prioritising of the family and the home was emblematic 78 Tomboys and bachelor girls of a widespread perception of the nuclear family as the ‘building block of society’ in the post-war decades. Children were increasingly regarded as a national resource, and became a focal point of the work of the Welfare State. Continuing wartime habits of interventionism, the government sought to ensure basic levels of nutrition and health for children through such policies as free

in Tomboys and bachelor girls

.The subsequent dominance of lesbian and gay history by political models rooted in the lesbian and gay politics of the 1970s has meant that this perspective has proved remarkably durable, and the significance of the post-war subculture in histories of lesbian socialising has not been recognised. If this omission is to be more clearly understood, the development of this arena of lesbian 108 Tomboys and bachelor girls sociability must be explored and the origins of the conflicts which have shaped our understanding of the post-war bar culture considered. The lesbian bar culture

in Tomboys and bachelor girls
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evidence suggests that many women were challenging the cultural emphasis on domesticity as women’s defining concern and presenting radically alternative modes of femininity, decades before the organised women’s movement. The ambiguities and contradictions in post-war notions of femininity afforded women a surprising degree of flexibility in the expression of alternative gender and sexual identities. Concepts such as ‘tomboy’, ‘bachelor girl’ and ‘career woman’ enabled women to forge social identities as single, economically independent and active women and to deploy

in Tomboys and bachelor girls

’d been thinking of – she made it sound, actually, as though she was halfway through preparing – this magazine for lesbians and would I like to go and lick a few envelopes. And of course she hadn’t got anywhere, she was just thinking about it. And she met me at the airport when I came back.8 Langley was, in fact, simultaneously making a number of tentative enquiries, contacting Antony Grey of the Albany Trust for advice and to 136 Tomboys and bachelor girls enquire whether he knew of anyone else who might be interested in collaborating in the venture. At a time when

in Tomboys and bachelor girls

Introduction In 1969, Abbess Mary Joseph regaled the Poor Clares of Darlington on her return from the vocations exhibition in Leeds with ‘interesting and amusing’ talks on religious life, ‘especially on how to deal with the modern girl’. The following week, Poor Clare abbess Mother Mary Paula Smallwood of Baddesley Clinton visited Darlington and also ‘entertained us with stories of the “antics” of modern postulants’. 1 The Modern Girl was a recurrent trope which featured even in religious life. Each generation laid claim to its modernity with a Modern Girl

in Catholic nuns and sisters in a secular age

Part III Volunteer girls Tens of thousands of women prepared themselves for war service as nurses in the years leading up to the First World War. A minority of these were fully trained. Others attached themselves to VADs, undertook short courses in sick-nursing, bandaging, invalid cookery, and hygiene, and held themselves in readiness for war. Still others came forward at the outbreak of war with no training at all, and began developing their skills in the heat and stress of the wartime emergency. Anne Summers has shown that British and Dominion women had been

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
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Advice, etiquette and expectation

3 No nice girl swears: advice, etiquette and expectation T o analyse the thrill of voyaging for anyone who has never been away is [a] tough  .  .  .  assignment,’ wrote William M. Strong in his 1938 advice book for budget travellers and journeyers.1 Strong emphasized the journey’s transformative effect: ‘No one can have one of life’s big experiences without being to some degree altered by it. The change that is visible in some people after their first trip abroad is little less than startling.’2 In her 1937 etiquette guide Can I Help You?, Viola Tree

in Women, travel and identity
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implies, the move out of infancy corresponded with a greater male presence in their upbringing, as fathers (or surrogate fathers) took the primary role of educator and disciplinarian. For young girls, the mother and the domestic sphere continued to be major influences. Greater mobility and reasoning also brought the child into contact with a broader range of influences. Instruction and correction would

in The life–cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500
Opera, operetta and ballet

Puccini’s Madame Butterfly (1904), the devoted Cho-Cho San commits hara-kiri when abandoned by the American Lieutenant Pinkerton; and in Delibes’s Lakmé (1883), the Indian girl Lakmé poisons herself when the English officer Gerald, whom she loves, returns to his army duties. In Lehar’s Land of Smiles (1928), the Chinese Prime Minister Prince Sou Chong is left brokenhearted when his Viennese

in Imperialism and music