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Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

A case study of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA Football World Cup

international relations and politics.6 As a developing country that sits on the semi-periphery of international relations, South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA Football World Cup (FWC) provided an ideal opportunity to explore the potential for MSE studies to offer insight into contemporary international relations and the policy tools available to states at different stages ROFE___9781526131058_Print.indd 70 11/06/2018 09:15 South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA Football World Cup 71 of development. The findings presented in this chapter provide discussion points

in Sport and diplomacy
The limits of the EU’s external dimension of migration in Africa

countries has become a crucial part of the external dimension of the EU’s migration policy, or rather the integration of migration policy with traditional foreign policy domains such as development, trade and security, and the establishment of cooperation mechanisms between receiving and sending countries. Both the EU and African side recognise that through a coherent and coordinated policy of ‘joint migration management’, migration can be beneficial for both sides.1 The EU’s intensification of migration dialogue with migrant-­sending countries is evidence to the changing

in The European Union in Africa
Interests, altruism and cooperation

3 The EU’s Africa policy between the US and China: interests, altruism and cooperation Gorm Rye Olsen Africa’s international position has changed significantly since the beginning of the twenty-­first century. This has very much to do with the rise of China as a global power but it also has to do with the strongly increased American interest in Africa. For some, these changes have challenged the prominent position that Europe has had on the continent for decades. The official rhetoric of the Chinese government is that the Chinese–African relationship is not a

in The European Union in Africa
Community engagement and lifelong learning

In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.

Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe

Bussing, race and urban space, 1960s–80s

In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.

Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

It is widely recognised that public attitudes and perceptions can play an important role in shaping countries’ foreign policies (Holsti, 1992 ; Risse-Kappen, 1991 ), and UK–Africa relations are no exception. In this chapter, we consider the UK public’s perceptions of Africa and Africans, and how these have been informed by charity fundraising appeals. The British public has long been interested in Africa, and in particular British engagement in Africa. Prior ( 2007 : 1), for example, notes that ‘tales of Britons striding purposefully

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Security and complex political emergencies instead of development

Deus Pinheiro, who wrote that: ‘development cooperation is indisputably the single most important instrument for an effective policy of peace-building in developing countries’ (Pinheiro, 1999: 5–6). In summary, Africa is of very limited national interest to Europe, apart from, perhaps, France and to some extent the UK. This may explain why the two old colonial powers apparently joined forces towards the end of the 1990s. If Africa is going to have another, more important position within Europe’s overall foreign policy priorities, it has to be explained by the

in EU development cooperation