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Uganda, Rwanda, Kenya and their donors
Julia Gallagher and V. Y. Mudimbe

centrality of working for ‘sustainable peace and improved developmental results [in Africa]’ to Rwanda’s ‘core … agenda’ before scholars, military personnel and Western policy-makers at a number of events in both the UK and US in the last decade ( Beswick, 2010: 749 ). Both leaders have also emphasised their states’ economic successes during engagements with Western business leaders and economists. Museveni, for example, promoted Uganda’s economic success story in a 1998 speech to economists and World Bank officials at the University of Oxford – an

in Images of Africa
Abstract only
The energy–development nexus

.energynet. co.uk/pa/PAGO2011/ index.html (accessed 30 June 2012). Shah, A. (2010) ‘The Democratic Republic of Congo’, Global Issues, available at www.globalissues.org/article/87/the-­democratic-­republic-­of-­congo (accessed 30 June 2012). Tarradellas, F. (2008) ‘EU, Africa Unveil “Ambitious” Energy Partnership’, EurActive.com, 9 September. United Nations Development Programme (2011) Human Development Report 2011, New York: UNDP. Wolde-­Rufael, Y. (2005) ‘Energy Demand and Economic Growth: The African Experience’, Journal of Policy Modeling, 27: 891–903. Youngs, R. (2009

in The European Union in Africa
Internal coherence and external legitimacy

29 as national policies, although they are often designed to be reinforced through common or shared EU policies/instruments. Two EU member states, the UK and France, stand out since they have the most comprehensive approach to Africa in all three policy areas covered in this chapter. Some member states, such as Sweden and Denmark, are deeply engaged in development cooperation but much less involved in trade and security matters (Söderbaum and Stålgren, 2010a). Trade Many scholars agree that the EU is a strong and recognised economic actor. Formally speaking, the

in The European Union in Africa
From troubled pan-African media to sprawling Nollywood
Julia Gallagher and V. Y. Mudimbe

the Qatar-based Al Jazeera has prompted some to talk about the possibility of setting up an ‘African Al Jazeera’. Thabo Mbeki once noted that there was no reason why an ‘African Al Jazeera’ cannot succeed (cited in Gouveia, 2005: 4 ). Philip Fiske de Gouveia of the London-based Foreign Policy Centre, a European think-tank, also proposed to the UK Foreign Office to establish a Pan-African media project along the same lines as Al Jazeera (Ibid). There is little doubt that Al Jazeera’s growth since its establishment in 1996 has been phenomenal. Indeed, in 2005, an

in Images of Africa
Abstract only
Doing good in Africa

between the UK and countries on the receiving end of its ethical and development policies are reinforced by the ways in which the aid discourse is framed (Slater and Bell, 2002). They argue that British aid policy worked to maintain a dependency relationship between the UK and poorer powers (often former colonies). Paul Cammack, in similar vein, argues that the Commission for Africa was organised around the objective of creating capitalist markets and extending and entrenching capitalist p ­ ower-relations (Cammack, 2006). Rita Abrahamsen and Paul Williams suggest that

in Britain and Africa under Blair
The role of France and French interests in European development policy since 1957

EUD7 10/28/03 3:15 PM Page 113 7 ‘Sense and sensibility’: the role of France and French interests in European development policy since 1957 Anne-Sophie Claeys Since 1957, France has been heavily involved in the definition and implementation of a European development policy. It has considered this to be a way to maintain French interests and influence over Africa, while sharing the costs of such a policy with the other EU member states. More recently, the French approach towards European development policy has been challenged by the enlargement of the

in EU development cooperation

6 The EU and labour migration policy-making in the UK and Spain Introduction The key questions this chapter tackles are to what extent the EU impacts on debate over policy at the national level, how this impact is mediated by domestic structures and what kinds of effects it has. In order to answer these questions, the chapter first considers what might be meant by the Europeanisation of immigration policy. This is then followed by a brief analysis of the emerging EU migration regime before the impact of the EU on national policy-making in the UK and Spain is

in Managing labour migration in Europe
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african presence was, at this stage, no focus on Africa as a campaign image or as deserving special attention. The campaign was focused on poverty as a mass human condition. Throughout 2004, the strategic planning and organisation building for the campaign took place. In late 2004, the name Make Poverty History was adopted by the coalition, along with the three ‘straplines’ of debt, aid, and trade. These three policy/issue reference points were the product of a process of negotiation within the coalition in which each participating NGO wished to project its own

in The African presence
Losing friends and failing to influence

9 Economic Partnership Agreements and Africa: losing friends and failing to influence Christopher Stevens Both the Euro-­Africa Summit of December 2007 in Lisbon and its successor in Tripoli of November 2010 illustrate Europe’s difficulty in marrying its rhetorical goal of a strategic partnership with Africa and its trade policy towards the continent. The lofty aims of the Lisbon Summit were lost in a bad tempered row over Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), given that it took place one month before what the EU billed as the ‘ultimate deadline’ for interim

in The European Union in Africa

left South Africa for the UK (via Botswana) in 1976, they eventually came into contact with the Militant Tendency (still within the Labour Party at that time), through dialogue with its leader, the South African Trotskyist, Ted Grant. In London, both Ensor and Petersen continued to work for Anti-apartheid solidarity 73 SACTU, with Ensor working as personal assistant to John Gaetsewe, the SACTU General Secretary, and Petersen becoming editor of SACTU’s Londonproduced newspaper Workers’ Unity. In 1979 Petersen issued a memorandum to the National Executive

in Waiting for the revolution