Hegemonic strategies in the leadership of Hugo Chávez
constitution of 1999, codifying the leader/people nexus and establishing an incipient hegemony over the Venezuelan state and much of civil society. This hegemony was strengthened amongst the popular classes as the Chávez discourse became centred on attacking the better-off sectors, but alienated some middle groups who abandoned the Chávez coalition and allied themselves with the elites in outright opposition and eventual sedition, creating an antagonistic political polarisation in the country centring on the figure of the president.
also dates from the Volcker
Shock and soon assumed the format of a veritable ‘revenge of the rentier’26 –the class
fraction whose ‘euthanasia’ Keynes had recommended in the 1930s to make the management of mass production and national class compromise viable. Privatisation policies
gave asset-owning middleclasses a chance to profit from booming stock markets, whilst
rising asset prices, notably real estate, allowed them to borrow against the value of their
(mortgaged) property. As defeats of the labour movement multiplied, the post-war class
Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray and Philip M. Taylor
newspaper purchase is voluntary (rather than obligatory in the case of a broadcast receiving
licence), those who disagree with a newspaper’s editorial policy can simply
move on to another’. A gradual decline in circulation over recent decades has
further increased competition between titles.
With Britain’s newspapers drawing readers from across the class spectrum
(rather than just the middleclasses, as in some countries) (Tunstall, 1996:
Pockets of resistance
8–9), an important competitive factor in the structure of the British press is
justifies this in national terms’.17 The ‘core doctrine’ of these nationalist
terms consist of three assertions: national identity, national unity and national
1. There is a nation – usually, but not invariably, identified as a multi-class
society occupying a particular territory – which can be recognised by certain
collective characteristics which give it a peculiar identity.
2. The nation has an overriding claim to collective loyalty from those who
belong to it.
3. The nation has a right to autonomy, usually but not invariably taking the form
, with a very low turnout (almost 77% abstention), the existing CTV leadership of Carlos Ortega as president and Manuel Cova as vice-president won the subsequent elections, although under highly questioned circumstances. 72
Re-elected and revitalised the CTV leadership launched an all-out campaign to discredit the government and remove it from office, in alliance with FEDECAMARAS, the media, opposition political parties, the Church, and an assortment of ‘civil society’ (i.e. middle and upper class) groupings. Whilst the CTV and its allies
by wearing the hijab was a symbol of political Islam, a matter threatening the Constitution’s articles that decree Turkey is a secular state. Yielding to the hijab seemed to spokesmen from the Turkish middleclass as the beginning of an irreversible process in which Turkey would become a Muslim republic. The secular republic was not going to survive this “political cancer,” so they would warn. Turkish political Islam presses continuously for the Islamization of Turkey, including issues such as sex relations, family concepts, dress codes, private and public
, Oxford, Blackwell, 1994,
132 Gülalp, ‘Capitalism and the Modern Nation-State’, p. 168.
133 Çağlar Keyder, ‘The Political Economy of Turkish Democracy’, New Left Review, 115
(May–June 1979), p. 5.
134 Kazancigil, ‘The Deviant Case in Comparative Analysis’, p. 225.
135 Çağlar Keyder, Sate and Class in Turkey: A Study in Capitalist Development, London,
Verso, 1987, p. 7.
136 Gülalp, ‘Capitalism and the Modern Nation-State’, p. 167.
137 Ashcroft, ‘Alternative Modernities’, p. 83.
138 Bromley, Rethinking Middle East Politics, pp. 47–48.
was extremely successful in mobilizing the masses, the middleclasses and the peasantry as well as the working classes. In 1920 he launched the
first non-co-operation movement against British rule. It was a satyagraha, a form
of passive resistence. This was followed in later years by two more powerful
confrontations with the British, the civil disobedience movement of 1930–34
and the ‘Quit India’ movement of 1942. Hardiman (2003: 2) explains that, from
the start, Gandhi ‘refused to accept the inferior status imposed on Indians by a
racist ruling class and resolutely
Alexandra Palace, the place through which the
refugees arriving in London transited. The poorest refugees were herded
straight away into vast dormitories whereas the upper-class refugees
were given tiny furnished rooms on the first floor.8 The Netherlands also
made distinction of this kind one of the guiding principles of its policy.
The Dutch government distinguished between upper-class, middle-class
and working-class refugees. Those who fell into the second and third
categories were liable to be sent to refugee camps, whereas the Dutch
authorities paid a special
the two states, and the American support they enjoy – Ankara and Israel welcome even a greater American role in the region – apparently exude a tone of status quo over the region. Revisionist players who plan to upset that status quo might be reluctant to put the alliance to the test.
The economic and civil contacts element underlies the military ties between Turkey and Israel. It renders their interaction more permanent, as a structure whose components have an interest in its survival over time. The middleclass and elite in both countries