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justifies this in national terms’.17 The ‘core doctrine’ of these nationalist terms consist of three assertions: national identity, national unity and national autonomy.18 1. There is a nation – usually, but not invariably, identified as a multi-­class society occupying a particular territory – which can be recognised by certain collective characteristics which give it a peculiar identity. 2. The nation has an overriding claim to collective loyalty from those who belong to it. 3. The nation has a right to autonomy, usually but not invariably taking the form of a

in Turkey facing east

, with a very low turnout (almost 77% abstention), the existing CTV leadership of Carlos Ortega as president and Manuel Cova as vice-president won the subsequent elections, although under highly questioned circumstances. 72 Re-elected and revitalised the CTV leadership launched an all-out campaign to discredit the government and remove it from office, in alliance with FEDECAMARAS, the media, opposition political parties, the Church, and an assortment of ‘civil society’ (i.e. middle and upper class) groupings. Whilst the CTV and its allies

in Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian revolution
Open Access (free)

by wearing the hijab was a symbol of political Islam, a matter threatening the Constitution’s articles that decree Turkey is a secular state. Yielding to the hijab seemed to spokesmen from the Turkish middle class as the beginning of an irreversible process in which Turkey would become a Muslim republic. The secular republic was not going to survive this “political cancer,” so they would warn. Turkish political Islam presses continuously for the Islamization of Turkey, including issues such as sex relations, family concepts, dress codes, private and public

in Turkey: facing a new millennium

, Oxford, Blackwell, 1994, pp. 223–224. 132 Gülalp, ‘Capitalism and the Modern Nation-­State’, p. 168. 133 Çağlar Keyder, ‘The Political Economy of Turkish Democracy’, New Left Review, 115 (May–June 1979), p. 5. 134 Kazancigil, ‘The Deviant Case in Comparative Analysis’, p. 225. 135 Çağlar Keyder, Sate and Class in Turkey: A Study in Capitalist Development, London, Verso, 1987, p. 7. 136 Gülalp, ‘Capitalism and the Modern Nation-­State’, p. 167. 137 Ashcroft, ‘Alternative Modernities’, p. 83. 138 Bromley, Rethinking Middle East Politics, pp. 47–48. 139

in Turkey facing east

was extremely successful in mobilizing the masses, the middle classes and the peasantry as well as the working classes. In 1920 he launched the first non-co-operation movement against British rule. It was a satyagraha, a form of passive resistence. This was followed in later years by two more powerful confrontations with the British, the civil disobedience movement of 1930–34 and the ‘Quit India’ movement of 1942. Hardiman (2003: 2) explains that, from the start, Gandhi ‘refused to accept the inferior status imposed on Indians by a racist ruling class and resolutely

in India in a globalized world

the two states, and the American support they enjoy – Ankara and Israel welcome even a greater American role in the region – apparently exude a tone of status quo over the region. Revisionist players who plan to upset that status quo might be reluctant to put the alliance to the test. The economic and civil contacts element underlies the military ties between Turkey and Israel. It renders their interaction more permanent, as a structure whose components have an interest in its survival over time. The middle class and elite in both countries

in Turkey: facing a new millennium

mark. Instead the social democrats concentrated on supplying cheap food to the urban population and securing rapid industrial growth on terms that protected the recent gains of the industrial working class. To both ends, it encouraged corporatist collaboration between employers and trade unions of the kind symbolised by the Stinnes-Legien pact. By the middle of 1920, after elections to the Reichstag in which the total vote for the constitutional parties was less than 50 per cent, the fate of the Weimar republic stood in the balance. With the revolutionary left less

in Might, right, prosperity and consent

patriarchal, patrilineal family and a three-class social structure. The three classes were the priestly class, the warrior class and the commons, known as the Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas respectively. The Hindu caste system started as a class system called varnashram dharma (varna actually means colour).The fourth caste or class, the Shudras, were the dasas and those of mixed Aryan-dasa origin.They were excluded from participating in Vedic ritual and worshipped their own gods.The foremost Aryan tribe was called Bharata, from which independent India or Bharat possibly

in India in a globalized world

diplomatic and political clout. It was a short-lived understanding but at the time it had a significant impact on policy-making. Contemporary European foreign policy is full of aspirations . Policy memos with reference to a desired stronger presence in areas ranging from the Far East to the Middle East are legion. In general, key policy statements more often than not present the Union as ‘a strong and

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Abstract only

-​general. 91 Olha Holoyda, ‘Ukrainian oligarchs and the “family”, a new generation of czars—​or hope for the middle class?’ Scholar Research Brief. Washington, DC:  IREX, 2013, p.  2. By comparison, the 100 richest Russians control 35 per cent of the country’s wealth, Sakwa, Frontline Ukraine, p. 61. 92 Van Zon et al., Social and Economic Change in Eastern Ukraine, pp. 134–​5. 93 Yurchenko, ‘Capitalist bloc formation’, pp. 140, 145, table 5.1 and 146, table 5.2. 94 See my Transnational Classes and International Relations, London: Routledge, 1998, pp. 79–​84, and

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War