Class, performance and socialist politics:
the political campaigns of early labour
he political world of late Victorian Britain was in many ways a dramatic
show, with politicians’ campaign performances appealing to a disparate
audience. Many politicians conceptualised themselves as performers, including
labour and socialist politicians, who are the focus of this chapter. They deliberately sought character types and roles for themselves to play, often along class
lines. The use of theatrical techniques, including the manipulation of
Elizabethan poetics and politics
The Perills are many, great and imminent.
Great in respect of the Persons and Matters.
The Quenes Majesty herself as Pacient.
The Pope, the King of France, and Spayne as Authors and Workers; and their
The Quene of Scotts as Instrument, wherby the Matters shall be attempted ageynst the
For the recovery of the Tirany to the Pope, which of late Years hath bene discovered
and so weakened, as, if the gret Monarchies wer not his Mayntenors, and intended
his Recovery, the same
The career, mental world and writings of Regino, abbot of Prüm, were all defined by the Carolingian empire and, more particularly, by its end. The high Ottonian period of the mid-tenth century also witnessed a revival of historiography, exemplified by the work of the two major authors who wrote about the rise of the dynasty. The first of these was Liutprand of Cremona, whose Antapodosis, a history of European politics from 888 until around 950, and Historia Ottonis, a focused account of events surrounding Otto's imperial coronation, were both written in the earlier 960s. The second was Adalbert, who most probably wrote his continuation to the Chronicle in 967/968. Regino's Chronicle, dedicated to Bishop Adalbero of Augsburg in the year 908, was the last work of its kind for several decades, and as such its author can be regarded as the last great historian of the Carolingian Empire. The Chronicle is divided into two books. The first, subtitled 'On the times of the Lord's incarnation', begins with the incarnation of Christ and proceeds as far as the death of Charles Martel in 741. The second 'On the deeds of the kings of the Franks' takes the story from the death of Charles Martel through to 906. The much shorter continuation by Adalbert of Magdeburg enjoys a place in the canon of works relating to the history of the earliest German Reich and consequently has received considerably more attention.
Edwardian politics and poetics
My counsailo[u]rs with suche other necessarie p[e]rsons [that] attend vppon me that
daie [St Stephens?] must also be consydered / There maie be no fewer then sixe
counsailo[u]rs at the least / I must also have a divine a philosopher an astronom[e]r
a poet a phisician / a potecarie / a Mr of request[es] / a sivilian / a disard / two gentlemen ushers besides Juglers / tomblers / fooles / friers and suche other … (Letter
from the lord of misrule [George Ferrers] regarding arrangements for the Christmas
Early modern England was marked by profound changes in economy, society, politics and religion. It is widely believed that the poverty and discontent which these changes often caused resulted in major rebellion and frequent 'riots'. This book argues for the inherently political nature of popular protest through a series of studies of acts of collective protest, up to and including the English Revolution. Authority was always the first historian of popular protest. Explaining the complex relationship between the poor and their governors, the book overviews popular attitudes to the law and the proper exercise of authority in early modern England. A detailed reconstruction of events centring on grain riots in the Essex port of Maldon in the crisis of 1629 is then presented. Urbanisation, regional specialisation and market integration were the larger changes against which disorder was directed between 1585 and 1649. The book discusses the 'four Ps', population growth, price rise, poverty and protest, explaining their connection with population explosion to poverty and protest. The major European revolts of the so-called 'Oxfordshire rising' are then analysed. Popular politics might deploy 'weapons of the weak' in a form of everyday politics that was less dramatic but more continuous than 'riot'. On the very eve of the Civil War, large crowds, with underemployed clothworkers, attacked and plundered the houses of local Catholics and proto-royalists among the nobility and gentry. In a culture that proscribed protest and prescribed obedience, public transcripts could be used to legitimise a popular political agency.
Pilgrims, poets and politics:
the Henrician Reformation
Could we, if we knew what we did, go against King Henry VIII, of whom I will say
nothing but this: that His Grace’s fame and praise cannot fall but when all good
letters fall, which cannot be before men leave the earth and the earth men. (A
Remedy for Sedition, Sir Richard Morrison, 1536)1
ir Richard Morrison’s A Remedy for Sedition was part of the Henrician
government’s propaganda response to the Pilgrimage of Grace. It is a
sophisticated work with many classical and biblical references
The poor laws were a fundamental component of nineteenth-century government throughout the United Kingdom. Ratepayer, pauper, poor law guardian or functionary, almost everyone had an interest in the poor law system. This book presents a study of the nature and operation of the Irish poor law system in the post-famine period. It traces the expansion of the system to encompass a wide range of welfare services, and explains the ideological and political context in which the expansion took place. After a general survey of the poor law system in the nineteenth century, the book analyses the poor law system in Ireland and the role of central government in overseeing the system's operation. It explores the impact of board nationalisation both on poor law administration and on the relationship between central and local administrators. Nationalist guardians were quick to realise that their powers under the Evicted Poor Protection Act could be used to support participants in the land campaign. The government's approach to distress in 1879-1880 was intended to avoid the mistakes made during the Great Famine. A more nuanced analysis of the labourers acts is provided here encompassing their origin, reception and operation. The poor law system catered predominantly for women, but was administered and staffed predominantly by men. The strength of Irish nationalism lay in its ability to construct a cohesive political community that cut across gender and class boundaries. By redefining criteria for relief, nationalist guardians helped to introduce a greater degree of flexibility into the relief system.
demolished the tower and now it would cost Rs 20,000 to repair it
again. 15 The final straw was the
request for Rs 16,000 to repair Monywa School. The MMS Eastern Committee asked why it should
‘spend this, build tomorrow and have it knocked down the day after’. Rev. Donald
Childe (the new Mission Secretary) warned that in future a ‘political-condition
test’ would be applied to any building-grant application from Upper Burma. 16
Reed was not amused. He blamed newspaper articles for misrepresenting
conditions in Burma, and
The politics of Conservative foreign
Foreign policy needs to be relocated in our analyses of the midVictorian era. Indeed, it is easier to perceive the dimensions of nineteenth-century politics if debate about foreign policy is integrated into
domestic political history, as it too rarely is.
Foreign policy played a significant part in the Conservatives’ calculations. Before they returned to government in 1852, every policy area
formed a front in their war against the perceived radicalism of the
Whigs. Economic policy represented the most prominent
resort of the Nationalists, the Coalition and
the UAP in Australia to open physical confrontation with the forces
of the labour movement, meant that in Britain the BLP was more
restrained and moderate in its critique of its political opponents than was the ALP .
Attachment to popular constitutionalism and the associated virtue of
gradualism did, however, lead both the ALP and the BLP strongly to dissociate themselves from and to condemn the
revolutionary, ‘divisive’, ‘foreign’ and ‘dictatorial’