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The international system and the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

dependency relationships. To many Arabs and Muslims, the struggle with imperialism, far from being mere history, continues, as imperialism reinvents itself in new forms. The Middle East has become the one world region where anti-imperialist nationalism, obsolete elsewhere, remains alive and where an indigenous ideology, Islam, provides a world view still resistant to West-centric globalisation. This dynamic explains much of the international politics of the region. The age of imperialism and the imposition of the Middle East states system

in The international politics of the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

region afflicted with irredentism, domestic politics encourages nationalist outbidding. Revolution in states such as Egypt and Iran has brought leaders to power who seek to export their ideology; in mobilising new social forces, it has tended to strengthen certain states and upset power balances. Demographic, ideological or political expansionist impulses have been built into the very fabric of some states, as is arguably so of Israel (a settler state) and Iraq (an artificial state), which, between them, have launched five wars against their neighbours. Weak or

in The international politics of the Middle East
Robert Jervis

were optimally designed, it will still produce many errors. Decisionmakers might be better off if they understood the limitations of intelligence but this would place them under intolerable psychological and political pressures. Similarly, decisionmakers would be better off if they could design their actions with the knowledge that the information and inferences on which they are operating may be

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
A veiled threat
Thomas J. Butko

I N THE MIDDLE East, security is strongly influenced by politicized forms of fundamental belief systems. This chapter examines the dual role of political Islam, with specific focus on Palestine and the case of Hamas , the Islamic Resistance Movement, in the West Bank and Gaza. In this context, political Islam represents a general rejection of the Arab

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Ronit Lentin

8 Melancholia, Nakba co-memory and the politics of return Introduction In publicising its activities, Zochrot emphasises the shift from denial to Israeli acknowledgement of the Nakba, rightly arguing that denial is no longer tenable. Chapter 7 discussed the performance of co-memory through an analysis of Zochrot’s commemorative practices. This chapter revisits the link between melancholia, race, memory, identity, and politics. Zionist state memory construction involved the creation of myths in the foundation of culture, society and nation (Ohana and Wistrich

in Co-memory and melancholia
Alexander Spencer

pointed out: ‘so natural is the impulse to narrate, so inevitable is the form of narrative for any report of the ways things really happen, that narrativity could appear problematic only in a culture in which it was absent’ (White 1987: 1). Yet despite the continuing rise of discourse analytical approaches the concept of narrative is still viewed with some suspicion in large parts of political science and IR, as there is continued scepticism about how insights from literary studies and narratology are supposed to help answer important questions of (international

in Romantic narratives in international politics
Alexander Spencer

fascination with pirates such as Blackbeard or Klaus Störtebeker, whose stories have become the subjects of films,2 popular festivals3 and beer.4 One may argue that this is indicative of a wider dominant Western cultural romanticized narrative of the pirate. We name baseball teams for example the Pittsburgh Pirates or vote for political parties called the Pirate Party, we buy clothes with pirate motifs and watch Pirates of the Caribbean. ‘Reason tells us that pirates were no more that common criminals, but we still see them as figures of romance. We associate them with

in Romantic narratives in international politics
Raymond Hinnebusch

the core great powers and the international political economy constitutes a dilemma for regional states. The core is both the indispensable source of many crucial resources and of constraints on the autonomy of regional states. The constraining impact of the core ranges from the threat of active military intervention or economic sanctions to the leverage derived from the dependency of regional states, maximised where there is high need and a lack of alternatives for the client state. In extreme cases, foreign policy may be chiefly designed to access economic

in The international politics of the Middle East
Explaining foreign policy variation
Raymond Hinnebusch

What explains the similarities and differences in the foreign policy behaviour of Middle East states? The relative explanatory weight carried by domestic politics versus that of the systemic arenas in which states operate is a matter of some dispute between pluralists on the one hand, and realists and structuralists on the other. On the face of it, if the domestic level is determinant, as pluralists tend to argue, different kinds of states should follow different foreign policies and similar ones similar policies. If the systemic level is

in The international politics of the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

’s states and peoples. The second Gulf War The second Gulf War represented a watershed event in the Middle East that sharply underlined how far it is a ‘penetrated system’, its politics a product of interaction between global and local forces. The war, likewise, can only be understood by recourse to variables on multiple ‘levels of analysis’. Regional level conflicts and Iraqi political economy largely explain the Iraqi choices that unleashed the war. However, there would have been no war without global level factors, namely

in The international politics of the Middle East