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Vicky Randall

This book has attempted a reinterpretation of Edward Freeman, analysing his activities as a historian and political campaigner, and positioning him as a leading public moralist of the Victorian age. Previous scholarship on Freeman has tended to dissect his output, focusing on his celebration of English history and his Aryan racialism, and representing him as a confident proponent of the Whig historiographical tradition which celebrated Western progress. In my opinion, this approach privileges some of Freeman’s ideas above others and gives only a partial

in History, empire, and Islam
Vicky Randall

1066 which Freeman incorporated into his own Norman Conquest . As we will see, the earliest English understanding of 1066 was shaped by the idea of an original Anglo-Saxon freedom that had been destroyed by William the Conqueror. This myth of the ‘Norman Yoke’ first appeared in the fourteenth century and was vital during the Reformation (1532–34) and English Civil Wars (1642–51), when polemical writers used the past to contest contemporary religious and political changes. Following the Glorious Revolution (1688) a second distinct tradition emerged, as ‘Whig

in History, empire, and Islam
The critique of British expansionism
Vicky Randall

political tendencies of the entire Aryan race. 1 Second, Freeman’s account of Aryan development was not unilinear but cyclical. In Freeman’s analysis, liberty was always precarious due to the difficulty of securing an optimal-size polity on the one hand, and the political participation of the citizenry on the other. It was Freeman’s preoccupation with the history of the Aryan race, understood in these terms, that informed his response to British imperialism. While scholars such as Hall, John MacKenzie, and Jeffrey Richards have suggested that the Victorians were

in History, empire, and Islam
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‘History is past politics, politics is present history’
Vicky Randall

‘History is past politics, politics is present history’ was the favourite saying of the historian and public controversialist Edward Augustus Freeman (1823–92). Over the course of his career, Freeman produced thirty-four historical works, and drew on his knowledge of the past to make frequent contributions to debates on contemporary affairs in the periodical press. 1 Claiming to embody the objectivity of the new ‘professional’ historian while seeking attention as a ‘public moralist’, Freeman occupied a central, but ambiguous, place in Victorian intellectual

in History, empire, and Islam
Vicky Randall

to Western and Christian affairs. The Ottoman Turks have had, at least for some centuries past, a greater influence on Western and Christian affairs than any other Eastern and Mahometan people. Their history, from the point of view in which I look at it, is therefore a natural completion of my former subject. 3 Although there are clear parallels between Freeman’s Saracens and the Ottoman Power , he described his ‘former little book’ as primarily historical and saw the latter as ‘political rather than historical’. 4 Because the Saracens had consisted of a

in History, empire, and Islam
Vicky Randall

Freeman’s paranoid and anti-Semitic perspective, it seemed clear that the ‘Jewish’ Disraeli was allied with the Islamic Turk in a deliberate plot to destroy Euro-Christendom. Islam’s ‘strange secret-sharer’ In the introduction to Orientalism Said muses that, ‘by an almost inescapable logic, I have found myself writing the history of a strange, secret sharer of Western anti-Semitism. That anti-Semitism and, as I have discussed it in its Islamic branch, Orientalism resemble each other very closely is a historical, cultural, and political truth’. 5 ‘Orientalism and

in History, empire, and Islam
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

into historical writing – what people felt, believed, hoped, feared. Years ago, Patrick O’Farrell lambasted the method for producing history ‘of the heart’.14 But surely a history ‘of the head’ is just one part of human experience: ‘subjectivity is as much the business of history as are the more visible “facts” ’.15 Certainly, the affective turn in the humanities has brought emotion to the fore as an important category for understanding social, cultural and political change: Jenny Harding notes the shift from ‘thinking about emotions as “things” people “have” ’ to a

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Vicky Randall

states, to demonstrate that Muslims and Muslim societies were incapable of reform. The message of the Saracens was simply that the Ottoman Empire, like all the earlier Caliphates, was an irrevocably inferior and barbarous power, whose presence in Europe should not be tolerated. In composing the Saracens Freeman turned, as Said would suggest, not to Oriental sources, but to the volumes of Western scholars which constituted the Orientalist discourse. As Freeman was motivated to write the Saracens by contemporary political exigency the volume was composed, as he

in History, empire, and Islam
Lindsey Dodd

also evolved. The March raid on Renault used a new ‘intensified system of flare illumination’. Fifteen Wellingtons dropped phosphorescent markers, lighting the factories throughout the attack.4 This raid was experimental. The new navigational aid Gee was also tested and then used in France for difficult targets such as the Gien tank park in July 1942.5 Certain changes to the tactics of bombing France were politically motivated. Despite calls from the Chief of Air Staff to bomb the ‘Free Zone’ during 1941, political chiefs refused, as Vichy France was still

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

‘nests’ of Nazis, ferociously holding onto the port towns. Eighty per cent of all raids on France took place during 1944. Yet for some, bombing had been part of daily life since 1940. The study of everyday life in France during the Vichy years is a field still growing. For example, recent work by Shannon L.  Fogg, Nicole Dombrowski Risser and Julia S. Torrie is testament to a growing interest in the political dimensions of everyday life. Torrie’s work in particular shifts the discussion significantly towards civilian rather than daily life: it recognises that much of

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45