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5  Wainwright’s faith Like most politicians of his generation, Wainwright was raised as a Christian; but Wainwright’s faith was a more significant element in his life, his politics and the politics of his Party than for most of those contemporaries. The particular form of his Christianity – Methodism – had practical and electoral implications for Wainwright, and in particular invested him with a sense of duty to do God’s work in the mortal world. The strong links between religious belief – especially Non-conformist Christianity – and the fortunes of the Liberal

in Richard Wainwright, the Liberals and Liberal Democrats
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Modernization without Colonization

was something that the late Mohamed Qahtan, 12 one of the leaders of the Islamist Tagamu al-Islah party (the Congregation for Reform, often abbreviated as “al-Islah” or “Islah”) proudly recalled to me. In 1948, the Sacred National Pact was nearly put into practice. This consisted of a charter to limit the absolutism of the Imam’s theocratic power, defended by an Algerian emissary of Hassan al-Banna. But, like the constitutional revolution, this charter was short-lived. The assassination of Imam Yahya Hamideddin had already set it off on the wrong foot. What

in Understanding Political Islam
The strange case of J. S. Mill

and Sartori.These studies have examined different types of networks such as those forged by religious groups or those devoted to the propogation of philosophical systems or economic theories. This scholarship tends to emphasise the specific conditions –​book markets or intellectual networks, for instance –​that make possible the transnational circulation of ideas. Studies of an early modern European ‘republic of letters’ anticipated this line of investigation.1 What Moyn and Sartori outline here is familiar to scholars of colonialism. One of the important features

in Colonial exchanges

applied themselves to discrediting their Islamist challengers to the ears of our diplomats. This was, of course, far from being the case. When I aspired to bring Tariq Ramadan, who was at the time living in Cairo, to come and speak at the CEDEJ, I received from this same director (for whom my friendship nonetheless remains intact, for he had many other talents) an eloquent grimace of disgust, coupled with a resounding “What? Nooooo!” True—at least outside of our Catholic institutions—being close to the religious field remains perceived as being

in Understanding Political Islam

terms of character, politics and policies? The starting point is religious faith. Bush’s personality and character, or at least their public constructions, have been shaped around themes that have close associations with evangelical Protestantism. Although Bush himself has almost always shrunk from using the phrase, being ‘born again’, and his embrace of a deeper faith was more a set of stages than a defining moment, the president’s life story seems to rest upon a narrative that is structured around a repudiation of the past and a time of redemption. Representations of

in The Bush administration, sex and the moral agenda
Caste-based discrimination and the mobilisation of Dalit sameness

obligations, the law, justice and so forth’ (Doniger 2014, 22).   9 Thus, Ambedkar considered all three positions on caste that Galanter outlined in 1966 redundant, i.e. ‘[t]he sacral view [which] regards the caste group in terms of its relation to the larger body of Hinduism; the sectarian view [which] sees it in terms of its own religious distinctiveness; finally, the associational view [which] defines caste in terms of its associational bonds’ (Galanter 1966, 279). 10 In October 1956 Ambedkar – together with an enormous congregation of Dalits – converted to Buddhism at

in The politics of identity
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Irish nationalism, the rise of Labour and the Catholic Herald, 1888–1918

the 1890s his Catholic Herald titles were available throughout the British Isles and, endorsed by the Church, Diamond was able to secure the hearts and minds of Irish Catholics to the nationalist cause. In this, his reputation as a republican and committed Roman Catholic was a singular asset. His journals offered an irresistible blend of religious and political commentary at a critical stage in the struggle for home rule, when only a united front could exert the required leverage over Liberal Party policy on Ireland. Even though John Dillon and other leading

in The British Labour Party and twentieth-century Ireland
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hierarchy’s Commission for Communication –​ that led the charge against what he viewed as irresponsible journalism. In 1985, he noted that several journalists to whom he had spoken had ‘expressed grave concern about the state of the profession in Ireland’.31 He also observed that the press ranked second-​last in a survey that measured people’s confidence in national institutions, and that two-​thirds of people  –​surveyed for a separate study on 212 212 The Fourth Estate religious beliefs –​believed that ‘the Catholic Church is often wrongly criticised in the media

in The Fourth Estate
International socialisation across the pond?

have been far more influential in the US where wealthy organisations have been able to support prominent think tanks and lobbyists in Washington DC. In addition, prominent organisations such as Focus on the Family have built media conglomerates that help to spread their conservative message via a vast network of radio stations and internet sites. Since the 1980s evangelicals also have made considerable inroads into the national Republican Party, albeit with varying policy results (Burack, 2008; Fetner, 2008). The budgets and staffs of these conservative religious

in The same-sex unions revolution in western democracies
Debates and evidence

surveys; it was the second highest form of group membership in Burnley and the third highest in Harrogate. In addition, there was evidence of the role of faith groups in broader forms of civic engagement (Wilks-Heeg and Clayton, 2006: 116). The Commission on Urban Life and Faith makes a similar point. Whilst acknowledging that membership of most churches has declined it argues that ‘many local church communities, alongside congregations of other faiths, stand out in urban locations as amongst the most vibrant institutions in civil society’ (Commission on Urban Life and

in Local democracy, civic engagement and community