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Religion against the South African War
Greg Cuthbertson

“ecclesiastical” or “church” history and “mainstream” history’ has been in recent British writing. Religious history has moved beyond the bounds of conventionally defined Christian institutions and theologies at the same time as historians in other fields have shown a greater sensitivity to religious factors. 2 The literature on nonconformity in nineteenth

in The South African War reappraised
A. Martin Wainwright

congregation, he regarded their religious beliefs as depraved. For instance he wrote ‘how firmly Satan was enthroned within’ a ‘neo-Buddhist’ who remained unresponsive to his preaching. 54 Challis, on the other hand, praised Hindus and Muslims for the integrity of their faiths. Of lascars, who were overwhelmingly Muslim, he wrote

in ‘The better class’ of Indians
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Navajo encounters with the Indian Health Service
Stephen J. Kunitz and Jerrold E. Levy

process, however, we turn to a discussion of changing Navajo health beliefs and practices. Navajo health beliefs and practices Authors describing the ceremonial patterns of the Southwestern culture area have emphasised the contrasts between the shamanistic and individualistic religious practices of hunters and gatherers and the communally-oriented priestly religions of the

in Western medicine as contested knowledge
Ronald Hyam

confrontation at Kikuyu. CSM schoolteachers were asked to sign a declaration renouncing ‘sexual mutilation of women’, together with membership of the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) until it stopped ‘attacking’ the mission on this question. It was, however, one thing to make renunciation of clitoridectomy a religious test, a condition of baptism and church membership (as in 1916); it was quite another to

in Empire and sexuality
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Lindsay J. Proudfoot and Dianne P. Hall

in 1851 and 1863. If the failure of his initial attempt at water management prompted MacKnight to reflect on the hubris and futility of human endeavour, his escape from the capricious but still mortal threat posed by bush-fires elicited an overtly religious sense of gratitude. The diary entry for 6 February 1851 is relatively laconic, but records ‘Black Thursday’, when numerous settlements in Victoria were

in Imperial spaces
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The relic state
Pamila Gupta

local level. In Portuguese India, within the space of ritual, the church is represented at various moments by multiple institutions (the Archdiocese, the Vatican, the Padroado, the Propaganda, the Inquisition, etc.) and religious orders (the Jesuits, Franciscans, Augustinians, Oratorians, etc.), operating individually and jointly. 9 Neither do these church organizations function harmoniously, for, as my analysis will show

in The relic state
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Gareth Atkins, Shinjini Das and Brian H. Murray

In Chapter 1 of this volume John Coffey shows how controverted passages from the Book of Joshua and slave congregations’ understandings of them were probed in court in the famous trial of their pastor, the Congregationalist missionary John Smith. Biblical stories thus shaped and were in turn shaped by identities and power dynamics. Building on the burgeoning but often disparate scholarships of print culture, translation, biblical scholarship and the institutions that nurtured it, the postcolonial Bible and global religious movements, this book makes an ambitious

in Chosen peoples
David Arnold

) offer a partial explanation for this pattern of occurrence. But social and cultural influences were important, too. In India the spring months were traditionally a time for congregation and travel. Pilgrimages to major shrines, popular religious fairs and marriage festivities were all most common during the dry part of the year when travel was easiest and little work was needed on the land. These activities provided the

in Imperial medicine and indigenous societies
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Lindsay J. Proudfoot and Dianne P. Hall

legislation and equally robustly contested. Moreover, the elision for many people between religious affiliation, cultural memory and consciousness, and regional if not national origins, ensured that these discursive and contested local negotiations possessed a distinctly ethnic flavour. Churches of all denominations became, in short, places where diasporic identities were continuously redefined. First, in

in Imperial spaces
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The return migration of the Fellowship of the Maple Leaf
Marilyn J. Barber

of church congregations and home mission supporters. 6 Nor was Canada excluded from British missionary endeavour, even in the inter-war years when both religious and imperial commitments were declining. At the same time as Canadian Protestant churches participated in the Anglo-American missionary effort by sending missionaries to Asia, British missionaries of the Church of England were moving back and forth between the United Kingdom and western Canada. 7 These Church of England workers should be considered not as

in Emigrant homecomings