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the rest of this book is the following: how does critical theory help illuminate the contemporary dilemmas of democracy and statehood in this regard, and what is meant by a sociological approach to critical theory? The main question and four central claims Four central claims are defended in the course of the following chapters. The first claim is that it is imprecise to argue in terms of democratic versus non-​ democratic if one does so in abstraction from a detailed consideration of specific political constitutions and the plural processes of social constitution

in Critical theory and sociological theory
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Competing claims to national identity

Croatian national identity was constructed by Franjoism in the 1990s. Most viewed it as a recent construction that had devastating consequences on the region. However, although nations are constituted at the most abstract level, they derive their salience by being embedded in social practice. By itself, the Franjoist claim that Croatia did not relinquish sovereignty to the Hungarians in 1102 was hardly likely to provoke action 890 years later. Indeed, standing by themselves, the claims made in the historical statehood thesis have no meaning in the contemporary context

in The formation of Croatian national identity

made different use of the frames provided by the historical statehood thesis. Opposition voices: political parties In contrast to the ideas of national unity articulated by Franjoists, opposition politics was highly fragmented in the 1990s and failed to offer a cohesive counter-narrative. One of the central points of dispute among opposition parties was the question of how they should relate to Tuœman’s HDZ. On the one hand, the eventual partners in the winning coalition of the 2000 parliamentary elections, Ivica Raïan of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Dra

in The formation of Croatian national identity
On mediated unity and overarching legal-political form

Reconsidering modern democratic statehood 41 proximity and distance between unique human beings and distinct groups of individuals. How would these divisions affect knowledge of society and the construction of normative orders? This became an urgent matter, as developments in science, trade, and industry seemed to indicate that patterns of social structure play a far larger part than supposed ‘natural’ talent in explaining divisions and inequalities. With the passing of feudalism, the normative expectations of relatively large segments of European society underwent a

in Critical theory and sociological theory
Open Access (free)

overarching theme most appropriately encapsulates this change.1 Key issues Although the sheer size and diversity of the region – India is itself of continental dimensions – defies any meaningful generalizations, the common experience of statehood has given rise to similar concerns in the efforts to establish viable democracies (Jalal 1995). At the risk of a great deal of simplicity – and violence – the most important of these concerns as identified in the literature are: political consolidation; structural social change; democratic transition; and the impact of

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh

statehood, the social selforganisation between different communities is usually less mutually exclusive than the normative narratives of those communities may suggest. Since the ideal order of (imagined) communities is usually transported in the sphere of values and believes these normative tales may easily imply cultural clashes as the core of conflict. In the way Armenians and Azeris conceptualise the Karabakh conflict a notion of mutually exclusive ‘culture’ or ‘civilisation’ occupies a prominent place next to versions of historic truth among nationalist intellectuals (on

in Potentials of disorder
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A new Scotland in a changing Europe

continue being disappointed. A more general disillusion with devolution and the devolved institutions is also evident across Scottish society and does not bode well for those who would like to gain more self-government. While the European dimension still offers theoretical incentives to acquire statehood, these are likely to be outweighed for the foreseeable future by powerful constraints. Devolution six years on Devolution has given Scotland the degree of self-government many of its citizens desired for a long time. As

in Between two Unions
Open Access (free)
Albanian society and the quest for independence from statehood in Kosovo and Macedonia

was an active strategy, including demonstrations and sabotage, aimed at destabilising the colo94 Albanian society and independence from statehood nial regime and influencing the British public. Kosovo Albanian leaders, by contrast, never took action.2 They chose to build a ‘parallel system’, as analysts put it. But even the setting up of this parallel system was hardly planned and required little organisational performance. In less than a year, most ‘socially owned’ firms changed into Serb hands and their managers were dismissed.3 The Albanian party and state

in Potentials of disorder
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Modernity, welfare state and EUtopia

noting, prescribe some form of statehood as a terminus for the European project: an article on the Irish rejection of the Lisbon Treaty, for example, reiterated the need for a ‘cautious harmonization of tax and economic policy, and the gradual assimilation of social security systems within the EU’ (Habermas, 2008a: 2). Drawing on the Sozialstaat concepts of TCA and BFN, neither Eriksen and Fossum (2000) nor the author depart significantly from such views. The elaboration of alternate ‘futures’ for the EU has been taken up by other established scholars. As well as

in Habermas and European Integration (second edition)
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Modernity, welfare state and Eutopia

. (Josipovici, 2010 : 2) 4 Habermas’s writings, it is worth noting, prescribe some form of statehood as a terminus for the European project: an article on the Irish rejection of the Lisbon Treaty, for example, reiterated the need for a ‘cautious harmonization of tax and economic policy, and the gradual assimilation of social security systems within the EU’ (Habermas, 2008a : 2). Drawing on the sozialstaat concepts of TCA and BFN, neither Eriksen and Fossum ( 2000 , 2005) nor the

in Habermas and European integration