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The Catholic Church in Salford and refugees

10 ‘Not because they are Jews’: the Catholic Church in Salford and refugees [The Quakers have] done golden deeds for the refugees here and the helpless victims of totalitarian brutality abroad … But why, in heaven’s name, do we time and again find these services of elementary good fellowship left only to the Quakers? Do no other religions feel any obligations …? Or are they all so sanctimonious that they can’t do a good turn without wanting to stuff a hymn or sermon down the recipient’s throat in return? From an article on the Manchester Quakers in the Manchester

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’
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. This abuse did not represent a failure of the system but was endemic to it; as Ryan observes, ‘abuse occurred in the Institutions’ and ‘the Institutions in themselves were abusive’.3 Likewise, the three reports on the failure of the Catholic Church to adequately confront the sexual abuse of children by some of its priests, along with the testimony of their victims, have thoroughly discredited the Irish Catholic Church as an authority on human sexuality.4 Throughout the twentieth century, as Ursula Barry and Clair Wills note, ‘the Catholic Church in Ireland played a

in Impure thoughts
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the right to criticise majority representatives where they promoted values opposed to the teachings of the Church or, the more cynical might suggest, where they challenged the Church’s institutional interests. Nonetheless, and despite exceptions such as Argentina, there can be little doubt that during the ‘third wave’ the Catholic Church did become an institution that tended to support those arguing for an end to the abuse of human rights and the bringing down of authoritarian regimes. With the partial exception of Greece, in those

in Christianity and democratisation
The fraught relationship between women and the Catholic Church in Ireland

  192 12 Irreconcilable differences? The fraught relationship between women and the Catholic Church in Ireland Sharon Tighe-​Mooney Introduction In the introduction to From Prosperity to Austerity, Eamon Maher and Eugene O’Brien write, in the context of attempts to voice caution during the Irish boom, that the consensus between government, the media and business interests held ‘that anyone who opposed the current ideology was against progress, was rooted in the past, or was incapable of seeing the benefits to all of our exceptional prosperity’ (2014: 5). The

in Tracing the cultural legacy of Irish Catholicism
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imagined. They were clever enough not to ask people to vote yes or no because they would have had to register [as a campaign organisation], but they asked people to consider their vote carefully. They are brilliant media manipulators, and they released it so it would get on the 6 p.m. news on a Saturday evening so would dominate the airwaves for the next few days.’13 The response to the Catholic Church needed to be carefully planned. Yes Equality issued an official statement regarding the archbishop’s letter to accompany the piece on the 9pm RTÉ news the evening it was

in The history of marriage equality in Ireland
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 –​in all its guises –​ came to dominate the journalistic agenda. To state that the political and banking scandals prompted a sense of cynicism and distrust of basic institutions among the public would be an understatement –​but worse was to follow. That other institution central to Irish society  –​the Catholic Church  –​also witnessed its relationship with journalism change utterly. In the early 1990s, the revelations that a priest and a bishop had fathered children were greeted with incredulity, with much anger being directed towards the media in the guise of

in The Fourth Estate
Catholic human rights discourse in Northern Ireland in the 1980s

, human rights has historically been recognised as an important issue in IR with ­important ramifications for peace. Despite the historic concern, definitions of human rights remain contested, with tensions persisting between secular and religious meanings, leading in some cases to clashes between the two.2 This chapter highlights the important role that the Catholic Church has played in conceptualising, defining, and attempting to promote the realisation of human rights around the world, including Northern Ireland. The Catholic Church has long been recognised for

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland

Berning prepared a pastoral letter in defence of human rights in late August 1941. This time their proposal to publish their concerns found broad support among the bishops, who were deeply disquieted about the murder of the mentally ill, the persecution of the Catholic Church in Poland and the occupied territories, and the increasing attacks on religious orders. Discontent among the Catholic population about the silence of the bishops in the face of National Socialist oppression might have been another reason to encourage the bishops to this.20 Apart from the criticism

in Church, nation and race
Manchester and the rescue of the victims of European fascism, 1933–1940

Between 1933 and 1940, Manchester received between seven and eight thousand refugees from Fascist Europe. They included Jewish academics expelled from universities in Germany, Austria, Spain and Italy. Around two hundred were children from the Basque country of Spain evacuated to Britain on a temporary basis in 1937 as the fighting of the Spanish Civil War neared their home towns. Most were refugees fleeing Nazi persecution in Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia. As much as 95% of the refugees from Nazism were Jews threatened by the increasingly violent anti-Semitism of the Nazi regime. The rest were Communists, Social Democrats, Pacifists, Liberals, Confessional Christians and Sudeten Germans. There have been several valuable studies of the response of the British government to the refugee crisis. This study seeks to assess the responses in one city—Manchester—which had long cultivated an image of itself as a ‘liberal city’. Using documentary and oral sources, including interviews with Manchester refugees, it explores the work of those sectors of local society that took part in the work of rescue: Jewish communal organisations, the Society of Friends, the Rotarians, the University of Manchester, secondary schools in and around Manchester, pacifist bodies, the Roman Catholic Church and industrialists from the Manchester region. The book considers the reasons for their choices to help to assesses their degree of success and the forces which limited their effectiveness.

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but to dangerous and sometimes potentially deadly home environments. Meanwhile the Catholic Church, through its teachings and its influence in the legislative arena, insisted on abundant fertility: women were expected to bear as many children as they could during the course of their reproductive lives. This created a situation where families, poor families more so than middle- and upper-class, had more children than they could house, clothe, feed, and educate according to middle-class standards. The state inevitably asserted its constitutional right to care for

in Precarious childhood in post-independence Ireland