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Margaret Hogan

, but more free from bias and sectarianism than many other local newspapers at the time. Local power The Parsons family, earls of Rosse, were immensely dominant in the King’s County, now County Offaly. ‘The machinery of justice and county administration was largely under the patronage and influence of the earls of Rosse from the 1820s until the county councils were established in 1899.’3 At one time or another they held all the powerful positions of the day, in or for the county, such as MP, Lord Lieutenant, Custos Rotulorum (keeper of the rolls), High Sheriff, and

in William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse
The aftermath
Christine Kinealy

.45 The government had lost respect due to the fact that they had ‘packed’ the juries. At the end of 1848, a petition signed by 41,000 people was presented by the Reverend Spratt to the Lord Lieutenant, protesting against the deliberate exclusion of Catholics at the political trials. The petition was signed by prominent Protestant church leaders and peers, including Lord Ffrench. The Lord Lieutenant’s response was that it was the duty of the public prosecutor to exclude persons ‘of whatever religious persuasion they might be, who could only on reasonable grounds be

in Repeal and revolution
Peter D.G. Thomas

explained the behaviour of about half this number, and perhaps also of some independent MPs.19 There is no direct reference in Grafton’s memoirs to the Parliamentary situation, but that it was more than the difficulty of reconstructing the ministry that drove him to resign can be seen from his letter of explanation to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland on 30 January. The death of Charles Yorke and the ‘inability’ to find a Lord Chancellor, he wrote, ‘made it unwarrantable for me to stand for the adviser of measures to be discussed only in another place, where I could give no

in George III
Bríd McGrath

Wentworths’ interests was demonstrated through George Wentworth and Butler’s reinstatements, and the returns of Strafford’s associates George, Francis and, later, William, Peisley and Carpenter; Lord Lieutenant Leicester’s interests were served by the returns of his son Lisle, his very close family friend Temple and Falkland’s former secretary and Temple’s brother-­in-­law Veele. Temple’s indissoluble friendship with Leicester’s family 126 •  ireland in crisis  • went back to at least 1587, when his father William had been Sir Philip Sidney’s secretary at Zutphen

in Ireland in crisis
Coleman A. Dennehy

, there was no question of who would be speaker in the Lords. The lord chancellor received his writ to appear, drawn up by the clerk of the crown and hanaper and sealed, presumably by himself. This was then presented to the lord lieutenant, after the house was sitting, when the lord chancellor went below the bar, entered the house, and, kneeling, presented his writ to the lord lieutenant. 17 It is not abundantly clear from the available source material whether the writ commanded him to appear as a peer of parliament in his own right as Archbishops Jones, Bramhall and

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89
Abstract only
Malcolm Chase

strength there, while the Whig opposition could muster some strong performers. In an age when parliamentary parties were essentially rolling coalitions, buffered by a large number of independent members, sponsoring contentious legislation carried high risks. Radical reform was not without its parliamentary sympathisers, notably Sir Francis Burdett and Sir Robert Wilson, while the Whigs were inflamed at the dismissal of Earl Fitzwilliam as the West Riding’s Lord Lieutenant (see Chapter 1). Castlereagh, no fluent orator himself, therefore carried a considerable burden as

in 1820
Abstract only
James G. Patterson

in late June, the new Lord Lieutenant, the Marquis Cornwallis, made an assessment of the military and political environment of Ireland. In his initial report to the Home Secretary, the Duke of Portland, Cornwallis denounced the ferocity of government forces, which in the case of the Irish units at least, he feared was not confined to the private soldiers. The Viceroy went on to explain his plans to end the rebellion by offering protections to rebels who would surrender their arms and swear an oath of allegiance. Finally and most pointedly, Cornwallis concluded that

in In the wake of the great rebellion
Catherine Cox

on the proposed new asylums until 1849.40 These tensions were played out during the revision of asylum provision in the Carlow district. In spite of the general agreement with the decision to separate county Kildare from the Carlow asylum district, in July 1846 a local committee representing the interests of Kilkenny city and county, with Charles Vignoles as chairman, forwarded a petition containing an assessment of asylum provision in that county, to the Lord Lieutenant.41 The petition argued that the existing institutional facilities – the lunatic wards attached

in Negotiating insanity in the southeast of Ireland, 1820–1900
Political re-alignments
Peter D.G. Thomas

19/8/02 11:48 am Page 191 The Chatham ministry II (1767–1768) 191 The third ongoing major problem, Ireland, would not attract attention at Westminister, being as yet a matter only for King and cabinet. Lord Townshend’s 1767 appointment as Lord-Lieutenant was intended to implement the decision of the Grenville cabinet in 1765, that henceforth Ireland would be directly ruled by a viceroy living in Dublin Castle. That idea was dropped by the Rockingham ministry, but revived by George III and Chatham in 1766. Lord Bristol had let them down, but Lord Townshend, a

in George III
Katrina Navickas

, special edition Manchester Region History Review, 23 (2012­/​14).  5 Peterloo and seditious assembly85 his 1819 diary, the Tory Lord Lowther, Earl of Lonsdale and Lord Lieutenant of Cumberland and Westmorland, wrote: The consideration of the Manchester meeting comes under several heads: 1st­– ­the legality of the meeting 2nd­– ­whether it was a peaceful meeting 3rd­– ­whether the magistrates were justified in the apprehension of Hunt 4th­– ­who were the aggressors: yeomen or mob 5th­– ­as to Lord Sidmouth’s thinking.8 The other entries concerning Peterloo in the

in Protest and the politics of space and place, 1789–1848