/02/2007 11:21 AM Page 178 178 The Bush administration, sex and the moral agenda And by shifting a greater share of the overall tax burden onto one-earner couples in which one spouse (usually the mother) is at home with children, this change would create yet another economic disincentive for at-home parenting and all other non-market labor on behalf of family and community . . . What if we gave a $300 to $600-per-year tax break to everyone who drinks Coke? Wouldn’t Pepsi-Cola officials worry, with good reason, that such a tax scheme would influence consumers to switch from

in The Bush administration, sex and the moral agenda

TBA_C03.qxd 08/02/2007 11:20 AM Page 74 3 Gay rights, same-sex marriage and AIDS As the 2000 presidential election approached, George W. Bush’s gubernatorial record in Texas gave rise to mixed feelings among gay and lesbian campaigners. It seemed to have a contradictory character. At times, Bush and some of the other Republican governors appeared to be differentiating themselves from the Christian right by downplaying moral concerns and condemning the politics of ‘divisiveness’ (see pages 63– 4). In April 1999, Bush refused to join those Senate Republicans

in The Bush administration, sex and the moral agenda

transport obscene matter that ‘has been shipped or transported in interstate or foreign commerce’ or to possess it with intent to mail, sell or transport it.4 Alongside these direct restrictions, there are often other, albeit more indirect, charges that can be brought. The TBA_C05.qxd 12/02/2007 12:00PM Page 138 138 The Bush administration, sex and the moral agenda making and distribution of hardcore pornography has long had ties with organised crime, as the history of Deep Throat, the first hardcore film to acquire a quasi-mainstream status, illustrates, thereby

in The Bush administration, sex and the moral agenda
Conceptual change in modernity

4 Turning friendship into a moral prescription: conceptual change in modernity The debate over the state of nature Thomas Hobbes and the hostile state of nature To understand further changes in the use of friendship in juridical and political treatises, we have to turn to a crucial theoretical intervention associated with the works of Thomas Hobbes from the mid seventeenth century. If the club of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century intellectual authorities on the law of nations and nature included Gentili, Belli, Grotius and Bodin, then starting from Richard

in Friendship among nations

1 The role of work in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century treatises on moral treatment in France, Tuscany and Britain Jane Freebody This chapter will assess whether British, French and Tuscan authors writing about the moral treatment of insanity in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries advocated work as an essential aspect of this new method of treatment.1 It will be argued that work was not considered an integral part of moral treatment throughout the period 1750–1840. The sources comprise sixteen contemporary publications focusing on

in Work, psychiatry and society, c. 1750–2015

formula of ‘authoritarian liberalism’ and sharpened ‘friend–enemy’ distinctions that Carl Schmitt advocated in the 1920s as an antidote to Weimar Germany’s economic depression, cultural decadence and political drift; a ‘political theology’1 that culminated in fascist totalitarianism. Ireland, the success story of neoliberal globalization, was amongst the first and worst casualties of the global depression. In the wake of the death of the 88 MORAL ECONOMY Celtic Tiger, Ireland, which led the race to the bottom away from the post-war model of Social Europe, is one of

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland
Abstract only
Omen of a post-republic: the demon child of neoliberalism

the raptor flies free, so much so that the principle of neoliberal political-economic and moral theology becomes ‘greed is good’. But this apparent vitality, seen from a different aspect, is like a cancer, proliferating, thriving, metastasizing; an aggressive and deathly form of growth, giving rise to extensive and intensive social pathologies, threatening civilization with sociocide and ecocide. And it is not just a process of de-symbolization that is taking place (de-symbolization occurs at other times of crisis and transition in the history of civilization – the

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland
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Turning towards a radiant ideal

may be, for they are both present’. Such a considered and temperate moderation ‘is the source of all our happiness and friendship’ (1892: 14). But just as we are getting somewhere the conversation takes a regressive turn, towards an alluring image that we are still in the grip of today, namely 108 MORAL ECONOMY Aristophanes’ famous metaphor of love in terms of individuals pursuing their lost soul-mates: We are disunited halves of what was once a united whole, and we go in search of our original unity. And when one of them finds his other half . . . the pair are

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland

, competition and rivalry ensue, and when the same object is desired by many its original value becomes inflated. This is exactly what happens in a ‘bubble’, such as land and property markets. Economic insecurity and socially unsecured financial derivatives The domestic economy is integrated with the wider ‘real’ economy and the dematerialized, financial derivatives markets of MBSs through a libidinal and moral economy of the oikos, wherein there is a presumed contract between people with aspirations of becoming owners of a private home, with secured means of income

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland

demoralized the Athenians, desensitizing people to atrocity, injustice and hypocrisy, just as familiarity with mediatized violence and scandals of corruption in business and politics and abuses and cover-ups in religious institutions blunts our sense of moral outrage today. But, Thucydides says, pleonexia preceded the war and was in fact a root cause of it; the demoralizing effects of the war feeding off and amplifying pleonexia even further, leading to a general morbidity in all of Athens’ social and bodies politic, a plague of stasis (Fleiss, 1959).2 Stasis – ‘civil war

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland