Abstract only
Mark Brown

what bearing will these events have on his work in the future? The Brooklyn Follies ended with these lines: It was eight o’clock when I stepped out onto the street, eight o’clock on the morning of September 11, 2001 – just forty-six minutes before the first plane crashed into the North Tower of the World Trade Center. Just two hours after that, the smoke of three thousand incinerated bodies would drift toward Brooklyn and come pouring down on us in a white cloud of ashes and death. But for now it was still eight o’clock, and as I walked along the avenues under the

in Paul Auster
Abstract only
Evil terrorists, good Americans
Richard Jackson

assault on September 11, 2001. Rather, it was carefully and deliberately created to satisfy a number of political objectives. At the simplest level, establishing the identities of the primary characters – the heroes and villains or the ‘good guys’ and the ‘bad guys’ – was a key element in constructing the overall narrative of the ‘war on terrorism’. In a media-saturated society, establishing the

in Writing the war on terrorism
Richard Jackson

no doubt, we are at war, and it is a world war. There is simply no other name for it’ (Melshen, 27 June, 2003). This global military campaign or ‘world war’ began in the first hours after the September 11, 2001 attacks when President George W. Bush declared on prime-time television that America was launching a ‘war against terrorism’ (Bush, 11 September, 2001b). The military was put on full

in Writing the war on terrorism
Phil Williams

2504Chap4 7/4/03 12:39 pm Page 69 4 Eurasia and the transnational terrorist threats to Atlantic security Phil Williams The terrorist attacks of September 11 on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were not only the most audacious and successful terrorist attacks the world has yet seen, but also marked the maturation of what had been described as the ‘new terrorism’. It was a maturation in several senses. In the first place it revealed that trends identified by astute specialists such as Walter Laqueur, Bruce Hoffman and Ian Lesser were, in fact, well

in Limiting institutions?
Abstract only
Reproducing the discourse
Richard Jackson

So FAR I HAVE EXAMINED the primary narratives at the heart of the ‘war on terrorism’ – the way in which language constructs the events of September 11, 2001, and the way it creates identities, threats and the counter-terrorist war. In this sense, I have been examining the constituent parts that taken together make up the whole. In order to take the analysis to the

in Writing the war on terrorism
Open Access (free)
Germany, the use of force and the power of strategic culture
Kerry Longhurst

1990 and has broken its former out-of-area constraints, the use of force is clearly still not regarded as the means for the resolution of all crises and conflicts; neither is it seen as an automatic or natural tool for the pursuit of national interests. This was particularly the case following September 11 2001, when German perspectives on the use of force clashed with new American thinking about pre-emptive military strikes. Bundeswehr deployment is still viewed largely as a last resort and then only in circumstances where military force is unambivalently required

in Germany and the use of force
Abstract only
Excerpts from post-war US investigations
James P. Pfiffner and Mark Phythian

in imaginative, successful (and highly classified) operations in many parts of the world. Tactical support to counter terrorism efforts is excellent, and there are signs of a boldness that would have been unimaginable before September 11, 2001. But neither was Iraq a “perfect storm.” The flaws we found in the Intelligence Community’s Iraq performance are still all too common. Across the board, the

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Natalie Bormann

relationship between the two powers – the more the US knew about Russia’s forces, the more straightforward it was to determine how to counter them. Following on from the demise of this Cold War antagonist, it was claimed that the predictable security environment had changed in such a way that, now, the US would face hostile regional powers too irrational and incalculable for deterrence to work. And, more importantly since the terrorist attacks on September 11, the ‘new enemies’ were devoid of territory and state agency in which they could be located. In this sense, rogue

in National missile defence and the politics of US identity
Abstract only
A structure of feeling
Patrick Duggan

which Román describes as a ‘world of terrible suffering and loss, a world that seems at times evacuated of hope, a world 36 Trauma-tragedy: a structure of feeling in which these feelings have been normalized as well, simply, life’ (2002: 2).3 Although much of the work published in the issue was started before September 11 2001, a great deal of it was informed by and altered after that day (Román 2002: 16). The events of September 11 become a central preoccupation in much of the writing. But, as with all traumas, the terrorist attacks and huge losses witnessed across

in Trauma-tragedy
Richard Jackson

BY THIS STAGE, IT SHOULD BE OBVIOUS that the official language of counter-terrorism implicitly constructs the ‘war on terrorism’ within the ‘virtuous’ or ‘good war’ tradition (see Lawler 2002 ). Locating the American response to the September 11, 2001 attacks in the bounds of the overarching framework of the World War II meta-narrative for

in Writing the war on terrorism