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Mary A. Procida

necessitated, first, by the Indianization of the imperial services and, ultimately, by Indian nationalism and colonial independence. As Anglo-Indian wives had feared, Indian men inherited the mantle of political power from the British in 1947. Ironically, however, in light of Anglo-Indian assertions of Indian misogyny, women also rose to political prominence in both India and Pakistan

in Married to the empire
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Tom Gallagher

accountability, clean government and active citizenship, failed to acquire much meaning in the Romanian context. Political power continued to be wielded by a narrow set of parties and economic interest groups, enjoying a symbiotic relationship with one another who were determined not to be accountable before the law or to face too many external constraints. In its defence, the EU responds that it was really up to the leaders, and indeed citizens, of Romania how well they used the opportunities to modernise the country offered by Brussels when talks were opened in 2000.1 The EU

in Romania and the European Union
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Trish Winter
Simon Keegan-Phipps

devolution of political power from a centralised British government in Westminster, London, to the Scottish Parliament, and the Northern Irish and Welsh National Assemblies, respectively (Kenny and Lodge, 2009: 223). The Northern Irish Assembly is a return to a system of devolved government as part of the peace process following ‘the inter­ regnum of “direct rule”’ (Wyn Jones et al., 2012: 4). The deferring of policymaking to the Welsh Assembly and the Scottish Parliament are more significant for our discussions here since they are more widely discussed (publicly and

in Performing Englishness
Matt Sleat

counter-challenges. The indeterminacy of realism If, as realists claim, politics is characterised by endemic disagreement, then this does not in any way preclude the normative vision of political liberalism. Rather, and this is the point made by Paul Kelly, ‘All it does is preclude that vision being elevated into an exclusive account of the political … it [liberalism] merely needs to defend the priority of its approach as an important corrective to the contingencies of political power’.26 Realists claim too much for their theory if they believe it gives liberals good

in Liberal realism
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Jemma Field

seminal essay of 1990, which she subsequently developed in numerous publications, and which has been employed by cultural and political historians as a framework for the reconceptualisation of female political power in early modern England.33 Consequently, the concept of conjugal patronage is used throughout this study to provide a richer understanding of the breadth of Anna’s interests and some of the meanings generated by her actions, associations, and possessions. This approach moves beyond the socio-cultural restrictions placed on Anna as a woman, and the way in

in Anna of Denmark
Keith Dowding

power relations. Such types of power include power as control (Sen 1982b) P-Power and I-Power (Felsenthal and Machover 1998), soft power (Nye 2004), voting power, agenda and veto power (Tsebelis 2002); or more general accounts of power that are used in certain explanatory frameworks such as ‘balance of power theory’ (Morgenthau 1949; Little 2007); bureaucratic power, hierarchy, pressure politics, power of business; and so on. It is not my purpose to review any of these concepts (for a comprehensive account of many of the issues, see the entries in Dowding 2011

in Power, luck and freedom
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Colin Copus

approach to the separation of powers in central government. Yet, despite its limitations, any notion of separation is a radical change from the previous practices of local political decision-making, a change which, as we saw in Chapter 8, has caused many councillors to perceive that their position and status had been downgraded. 4 Yet the directly elected mayors have also expressed their frustrations with the configuration of political power within their councils. The mayors of North Tyneside, Bedford and Mansfield had run up against the power of the council when it came

in Leading the localities
Jason Toynbee

Clash throw on this transitional moment? According to the standard account, London Calling represents something like a high point in the musical career of The Clash. Its conjoint aesthetic-political power was never to be repeated. In 1981 Joe Strummer was keen to emphasise that ‘we’re getting a lot more political in our old age. As I get older my politics are clarifying themselves, becoming more pointed. More potent…’28 It seems, then, that the political will of the band was undiminished after London Calling. What had changed, though, were the conditions of musical

in Working for the clampdown
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Jessica L. Malay

vast Clifford hereditary estates in Westmorland and north-west Yorkshire. However, her status as heir was soon compromised by her father, who began legal manoeuvres to place his own brother Francis as heir.2 This and George Clifford’s infidelities led to great strains in his marriage to Margaret Russell, which Anne describes in detail in the 1603 Memoir. In this early part of Anne’s life she lived as a fledgling courtier, often sleeping near Queen Elizabeth in her aunt Anne Russell’s chamber. From this vantage point she witnessed the exercise of political power that

in Anne Clifford’s autobiographical writing, 1590–1676
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Katherine Fierlbeck

state-led industrialization. This strategy, however, effectively centralized economic and political power in the hands of a single dominant elite which had little motivation to disperse this power more widely within society. It is for this reason that development theorists of the 1960s and 1970s blamed the increasingly brutal authoritarian regimes upon the pervasive ideology of capitalism (see, e.g., Frank 1975 ). Yet, two

in Globalizing democracy