Catholicism in Nantes, 1560–89

-century did not set a good example to their subordinates. Those of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries had been of good quality, frequently resident, diligent and reforming Chap 6 19/6/06 156 9:48 am Page 156 AUTHORITY AND SOCIETY IN NANTES in their administration of the diocese. Thirty sets of synod rulings were published before 1488, ordering clerical residence, participation in sacraments and the keeping of parish registers in an attempt to improve spiritual and sexual morality. Annual visitations were ordered in 1508, although not always observed.17

in Authority and society in Nantes during the French wars of religion, 1559–98
Abstract only
Condemnation of Wyclif’s teaching

, proclaiming, among other things, two of their deadly doctrines: The first is that in the sacrament of the altar the substance of the material bread and wine, which were present prior to consecration, really remains in place after consecration. The second, which is more execrable to hear, is that in that venerable sacrament, the body and the blood of Christ are not present either essentially or substantially, or even corporally, but only figuratively or tropically; therefore, Christ is not truly present in his own, physical person

in John Wyclif

immanence of Christ’s humanity, in devotional objects such as the crucifix and, especially, in the relic of MUP_McDonald_02_Ch1 29 11/18/03, 16:57 30 Suzanne Conklin Akbari Christ par excellence: that is, the eucharistic host. In this context, it is striking to note the resemblance of the behaviour of the crucifix in the Siege of Melayne to that of the host in the fifteenth-century Croxton Play of the Sacrament: like the crucifix in the earlier poem, the eucharist in the drama moves from being victim to tormentor. When the unscrupulous Jew Jonathas stabs the

in Pulp fictions of medieval England

examining his conscience at this holy time of Lent, set aside and ordered for the reformation of the soul. For, according to the proverb of old men, whoever is not holy in Lent or busy at harvest is unlikely to prosper. Everyone, therefore, beating his breast in compunction, shall rise up strongly to spiritual works. And you, dear child, should do the same. Begin with the sacrament of

in Catholic England
Abstract only

have a more significant role in the church, as shown in Walter Brute’s belief that women could validly administer sacraments ( Chapter 4 ). The same tendency appears in material that suggested women could publicly preach ( Chapter 6 ). While scholars of the lollards like Shannon McSheffrey and Patrick Hornbeck have argued that the movement did not provide an avenue for women’s agency in religious affairs, it appears that Foxe was concerned that it would. 3 Additionally, Foxe was sensitive to lollard material that challenged the sovereignty

in Lollards in the English Reformation
Southwell’s sacralised poetic

while in private carrying out his ministry in full, risking his life with every sacrament; if it comforted his secret congregations, it had not seemed to alter those minds that could make a difference. None the less, Southwell had brought treasures back to England, word-painting a new sort of Catholicism, the visions of the Counter-Reformation opening in the new churches in Rome, the sacralisation of

in Robert Southwell
The liturgy, the Eucharist and Christ our brother

Blessed Sacrament.12 As these three contemporaneous extracts encapsulate, mid-century Catholicism employed a number of dense yet flexible theological concepts, centred upon the incarnation and articulated through concepts of embodiment and transubstantiation, through which English Catholics were encouraged to experience their relationship with their brother Jesus. In describing and analysing this spiritual landscape, this section explores the various strands of this immanent Christology and fleshes out three prominent models or manifestations of the incarnate Christ

in Faith in the family
The re-shaping of idiocy in the seventeenth-century church

from formal examination by church elders. No one, not even the pastor, could really know the heart of a ‘true believer’, only God. Humfrey’s stricter Presbyterian opponents objected that free admission would ‘take away the use of the keys … and leave us no discipline in the church’. But, says Humfrey, these opponents work the keys ‘in so far, that being unable to work them out again … they have both shut out the sacrament from the church and the church from the sacrament’.5 In short, to assume the right to exclude people is not only hubristic, it also damages the

in Intellectual disability
Abstract only

who chose not to marry, cohabitation was a positive state in itself, particularly for marital radicals. In either case, it interrogated marriage as a sacrament, legal state, and relationship. In many ways, cohabitees resembled married couples and emulated aspects of marriage as much as possible. First, the intense desire for a public ritual was clear. Women wanted a ceremony, in part to satisfy their consciences and in part to please their ‘friends’, but many men also saw it as important. Thus, working-class couples ‘jumped the broom’, exchanged rings at others

in Living in sin
Open Access (free)
The revolt of democratic Christianity and the rise of public opinion

mass support given to Jansenists in the 1720s made any general attempt to enforce Unigenitus potentially very dangerous. But in the 1730s zealous orthodox clerics took the initiative and began a determined campaign of sacrament refusal to those accused of Jansenism. Although the refusal of sacraments was already an established weapon in the orthodox battle against Jansenism, in the politicoreligious hothouse that was eighteenth-century Paris many less religious Jansenists viewed it as one more facet of heartless Bourbon despotism. The denial of one sacrament, however

in The Enlightenment and religion