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Claudio M. Radaelli and Fabrizio De Francesco

coordination. However, there is no alternative to a ‘soft’ and learningoriented mode of governance – the Community method has nothing to say on this topic. And one should judge the open method not in the abstract but in relation to the specific policies with which it is used. As a former Belgian minister put it in an often quoted remark, ‘open co-ordination is not some kind of fixed recipe that can be applied to any issue.… [It is] a cookbook that contains various recipes’ (Vandenbroucke, 2002). A common criticism of the open method of coordination is that it has failed to

in Regulatory quality in Europe
What a thought experiment about race-colour change makes us see
Margaret P. Battin

it is not clear that making use of an alternative choice is indefensible as well. Enhancing status Closely related, a person might want to ‘dip’ into a different skin colour to enhance his or her status, whether social status in general or status within specific institutions or spheres. Doing so counteracts generalised racial prejudice, as distinct from the individual racial prejudice of the professor in the previous case; but unlike the previous case there is no alternative in avoiding the prejudice, analogous to dropping the class, other than removing oneself

in From reason to practice in bioethics
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Neoliberal gothic
Linnie Blake and Agnieszka Soltysik Monnet

’ to compete. What are notable in all three chapters here are the ways in which neoliberalism’s insistence that there isno alternative’ to it are embodied in the gothic texts under consideration, sometimes overtly and sometimes in their inability to posit a viable mode of being outside the neoliberal matrix of bio-power. Aspasia Stephanou’s chapter, ‘Game of fangs: the vampire and

in Neoliberal Gothic
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Romano Prodi

, this will bring lasting stability to the region and will make the world a more secure place. This will effectively guarantee sustainable peace. I am aware this is a daring proposition, but I make no apology for it. There is no alternative to this now. To be totally clear, a two-state solution would be only the first step, however gigantic. But even such a giant step would not achieve our goal of sustainable peace for the region. We must bear in mind that we can no longer just rely on the diplomacy of states. This goal calls for much more. The new model I have in mind

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Thomas M. Hanna

inefficient private enterprises. Nor is it to say that privatized firms have never produced better results than their publicly owned predecessors. Some of them, of course, have. The 42  Our common wealth question is whether or not one type of ownership form (public) is less efficient than another (private). On this point, the empirical and theoretical literature is far from settled or unanimous. Understanding this is critical not only to demolishing the ‘There Is No Alternative (TINA)’ narrative that is used to justify privatization and the transfer of broadly held assets

in Our common wealth
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Anthony King

verification – humans can mutually verify their own experience of the world with other members of their social group. That is, other members can affirm or reject the individual’s experience as valid. Other people provide the external reference which is lacking for the lone individual: ‘The transcendental-empirical doubling of relation to the self is only unavoidable so long as there is no alternative to this observer-perspective … As soon as linguistically generated intersubjectivity gains primacy, this alternative no longer applies’ (Habermas, 1987a: 297). Group members

in Human agents and social structures
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Livability, governance, and strategic planning
Josef W. Konvitz

almost impossible to restructure the metropolitan region to guide the next phase of growth. To manage the transformation of the waterfront, there is no alternative to comprehensive planning. It remains to be seen whether the organizational and conceptual techniques that are successful on the waterfront can be translated into urban strategic planning for the rest of the city, blending a liberal approach to economic change, open to trade, investment, competition and migration, with the social and environmental concerns of people in the places where they live. Integrated

in Cities and crisis
Thomas Docherty

results in a quietism that accepts the fundamental base and order of the world’s condition as if it were fact. It yields the mantra of a supposed ‘realism’, the mantra that says ‘There is no alternative’ if you are Margaret Thatcher, or ‘Resistance is futile’ if you are a Dalek. When democracy is corrupted in this way, while still asserting a claim upon democracy, the political rhetorician has recourse to ‘the will of the people’, as if that will is entirely unified, without tension, internal difference, and nuance, and an expression of freely expressed and independent

in The new treason of the intellectuals
Thomas Docherty

become normative. The sector leadership of the University has not only accepted the mantra ‘There is no alternative’, but has worked instead to extend the logic of neoliberal economics right into the heart of our intellectual life. It has embraced the very monster that it should exist to expose and question. All must now be monetized – and this includes not just our regular practices of teaching, learning, research, and so-called impact, but also the monetization of our very names and titles as institutions. We have our ‘brand’, our ‘reputation’, and – like the

in The new treason of the intellectuals
Heikki Patomäki

only if it could be shown that there is no alternative to the use of violence. Ultimately, the legal and moral arguments for the NATO war against Yugoslavia come down to this TINA (there-is-no-alternative) view. If I am right that the remaining unacceptable issue at the end of the Rambouillet negotiations was Appendix B of the agreement, the TINA claim is not only false; it is ridiculous. Also

in Mapping European security after Kosovo