Search results

You are looking at 31 - 40 of 243 items for :

  • Catholic women religious x
Clear All
Abstract only

respectively, Catholics were free to engage in commercial industry which led to the rise of a Catholic middle class.20 There was further relaxation of the penal laws in 1793, which among other concessions enabled Catholics to bear arms, parliamentary franchise equal to Protestants, and guild and corporation membership (though membership remained limited).21 Caitriona Clear documents the rise of nuns in Ireland and identifies the upper middle-class profile of many of the women who founded religious orders and of those who funded the establishment of a growing network of

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940
Abstract only

university in the form in which it was founded could not flourish. 3 Introduction 3 Disestablishment of the Church of Ireland in 1869 was followed by the passage in 1872 of Fawcett’s Act, which removed all religious tests from Dublin University. The effect of this change was to make Trinity College even less acceptable to the Catholic hierarchy than it had previously been. In their eyes it now resembled the Queen’s Colleges in its godlessness and the first version of the Irish Catholic Church’s ‘Trinity ban’ dates from this time. As originally formulated in 1875, and

in Church, state and social science in Ireland
Women as citizens

” usually denotes young men, not women.2 Both categories operate as coded language that indicates, but does not name, specific demographic categories while investing them with the symbolic weight of entire ethno-religious or racial groups. This group status is the basis for determining whether complex communities are fit to join the modern nation. These judgements create and reinforce a strong us-versus-them perception which inhibits integration (Korteweg and Yurdakul, 2009). But how does the signifier “gender” function within the debate about citizenship? What are the

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
Contexts and comparisons

Although there were slightly more letters from Protestants than Catholics, she did not find major differences in their concerns and preoccupations.55 Lyndon Fraser also opens his account of Irish women’s migration to the west coast of the South Island with quotations from a letter written by Ellen Piezzi to her brother-in-law in California, contrasting her difficulties of early widowhood and social isolation with his imagined comforts.56 Fraser focuses on a few themes, including the role of personal networks, familial mutual support, marriage and religious affiliation

in Women and Irish diaspora identities
Comparing hijabs in schools and turbans in the Garda reserve

undermining the status of girls as autonomous agents Tolerance of religious and cultural diversity 97 and relegating them to a category of ‘women in need’ of the state’s protection, and construed girls with hijabs not only as ‘different’ but also as dominated. Thus a minority argued rather that Muslim girls’ right to religious freedom and freedom of choice should be protected. Breda O’Brien (2008), for instance, regarded the demand to wear a hijab as an indication of autonomy and strength of character. In this perspective, the hijab was presented as empowering, enabling

in Tolerance and diversity in Ireland, North and South

meals, children’s dental clinics, maintenance of district nurses, playgrounds and school gardens. The WNHA contributed significantly to the professionalisation of social work in Ireland.4 Susanne Rouvier Day was appointed a Poor Law Guardian in Cork in 1911 and later became convinced of the flaws in the Poor Law system particularly with respect to women and children. Maud Gonne and Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, along with Stephen Gwynn, advocated a state funded free meals initiative (a s­cheme previously opposed by the Roman Catholic church), which led to the Education

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940
Abstract only

engaging in sustained analysis of their activism.18 Most recently, research has begun to appear specifically on the women’s Order in Scotland and further afield, and this book is the first full-length study of female Orangeism in Britain and Canada.19 Women and the Orange Order builds on this research, yet offers a much broader analysis of female Orangeism. This book is not simply an examination of women’s role in this sectarian, anti-Catholic ­organisation. 6 WOMEN AND THE ORANGE ORDER Instead, it is about how these women – from largely ordinary, ­working

in Women and the Orange Order
Abstract only
Entrepreneurs and professionals

with Irish compatriots and their work in a Church with roots in the English Catholic community. The Gibson family: from Ulster to the mayoral chamber Hugh Woods Gibson was the most ‘successful’ Irish immigrant to settle in nineteenth-century Stafford. His case demonstrates that religious links between Ulster and England could play a significant role in establishing Protestant immigrants in the host economy, but it also cautions against making simple assumptions about the attitudes and behaviour patterns inculcated by an Ulster Presbyterian background. Gibson and his

in Divergent paths
Tracing the transformation of Irish Catholicism through the eyes of a journalist

of tens of thousands of children in residential institutions run by eighteen Catholic religious congregations during the twentieth century. To date, over 15,500 of those children (now adults) have been compensated by the Irish State, receiving an average €63,000 each. The Ryan Commission heard evidence covering the period from 1914, but the bulk of its work addressed the period from the early 1930s to the early 1970s. Accounts of abuse by over 1,700 witnesses, given in relation to 216 institutions, were detailed in the report, which ran to over 2,600 pages. More

in Tracing the cultural legacy of Irish Catholicism
Abstract only

authority poll for her district.79 In her campaign for re-election in 1925, Smellie urged her Orange sisters to vote for her because of her hard work visiting schools, ensuring that the Bible occupied a prominent place and that ‘the religious lesson was taught in a manner worthy of all praise’.80 While the anti-Catholic focus of Orangewomen’s education authority campaigns was key, of greater importance were the opportunities that these elections gave women, such as Smellie, to be active political agents in public life. Indeed, Smellie’s success points to one of the

in Women and the Orange Order